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["International Rules and  Norms Evidence Mapping Database"]
["Instructions"]
[]
["1. Background"]
[]
["The objective of this evidence mapping exercise was to identify and organise empirical evidence about the ways in which international rules and norms translate into action in low- and middle-income countries and lead to improved outcomes for freedom and democracy. This database is the result of a structured search of the literature to identify relevant primary studies and systematic reviews."]
[]
["2. What this database contains"]
[]
["Database page: A list of all of the documents selected from the rigorous review, which can be filtered according to various criteria. Details of the search strategy and inclusion criteria are documented separately."]
["Analysis page: A set of check-boxes to quickly select sets of studies according to desired criteria, and bar charts showing the number of studies satisfying the combination of criteria chosen."]
["Evidence Gap Map page: The gap map shows the number of studies that addressed each combination of interventions and outcomes."]
["Definitions page: Definitions of the criteria used to describe the studies in the database."]
[]
["3. Instructions"]
[]
["The database enables you to select research studies according to the type of research, its appraised quality, its thematic and geographic focus, and whether the research is related to various norm carriers, consensus or enforcement mechanisms, and outcomes. The list of studies can be filtered to display studies that satisfy multiple criteria by clicking the filter buttons (triangular buttons) at the top of each column on the database tab of the spreadsheet, or by clicking the check-boxes on the analysis tab.  At the top of each column the database will count the total number of studies that meet each criterion, the number of studies included after applying the currently active filters, and the percentage of studies included after applying the currently active filters."]
[]
["On the analysis tab, you can select the filters to be applied and see bar charts showing the number of studies that satisfy the currently-selected combination of filters.  There is also a button you can press to reset all filters to include all studies."]
[]
["Technical information about how the macros and code that operate the checkbox filters work is included in the Visual Basic modules attached to the spreadsheet. Enable developer mode and click view code to see this documentation."]
[]
["Credits"]
["This database was compiled by William Avis, Zenobia Ismail, Iffat Idris, and Siân Herbert, with assistance from Nic Cheeseman, Jonathan Fisher, and Brian Lucas.  The project is a partnership between the Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC) and the Centre for Elections, Democracy, Accountability and Representation (CEDAR), both located at the University of Birmingham.\n"]
["Suggested citation:"]
["Avis, W., Ismail, Z., Idris, I., and Herbert, S. (2023). International Rules and Norms Evidence Mapping Database. Birmingham, UK: GSDRC, University of Birmingham."]

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["Author/s","Year","Title","Journal/Book Name/Series Name","Location published","Publisher/Institution","Vol","Issue","Pages","Abstract/Summary","Key finding","URL","Experimental","Quasi-experimental","Observational","Primary research study","Secondary research study","Quantitative","Qualitative","Mixed methods","Other (free text)","Peer-reviewed journal","Evaluation","Expert report","Academic organisation/think-tank","Multilateral, bilateral or intergovernmental org","National/host government organisation","Non-governmental organisation","Private/commercial organisation","High quality","Moderate quality","Low quality","Gender & civil rights","Gender & political participation","Gender & employment rights","Financial crime & money laundering","Financial crime & tax","LGBTQI+","Transnational","Middle East and North Africa","Sub-Saharan Africa","Asia","Europe","North America","South America","Latin America and the Caribbean","Oceania","Countries (free text)","International organisations","National and local government","Private sector","Civil society","Media","Activists / spokespersons","Household / community","Other (free text)","International formal commitments","International led/funded programmes","Domestic formal commitments","Domestic led/funded programmes","Mobilisation/advocacy","Attitude/behaviour change","Unclear","Mixed","Outcome blank 1","Outcome blank 2","Other (free text)","Donor funding","Membership","Negative press","Sanctions","Other","Enforcement blank 1","Enforcement blank 2"]
["Aantjes, C., Munguambe, K. Muchanga, V., Capurchande, R. & Poku, N.K.",2022,"‘Why Doesn't the Decriminalisation of Same-Sex Sexuality and Sex Work Ensure Rights? The Legality and Social Acceptance of Transgressive Sexualities in Urban Mozambique.","Sexuality Research and Social Policy",null,null,19,null,"416-431","The dependence on the law to direct people’s behaviour is known for its imperfections, yet it has become a mainstream response to social problems in modern day society. It is also the pathway through which internationally-recognised rights obligations, including sexual rights, are anticipated to diffuse across distinctly different societies. We studied the introduction of new legal standards in Mozambique, with an interest in their ability to promote the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex (LGBTI) people and sex workers. Methods: Between 2019 and 2020, we conducted sixteen key informant interviews with jurists, policymakers, and civil society advocates at national level and seventy-eight interviews with opinion leaders from local communities in three urban sites situated across Northern, Central, and Southern Mozambique. Results: The new legal standards, in which same-sex sexuality and sex work are no longer criminalised, found little resonance with intersecting religious, sexual, gender, and socio-cultural norms. Whilst there was a consensus not to discriminate, sensitisation and rehabilitation of LGBTI people and sex workers were considered imperative. This stance, coupled with a continued presence of ambiguous language in and incongruences between legislative pieces, attenuates the country’s commitment to internationally recognised rights obligations. Conclusions: In a context of weak civilian awareness and support, the legal reforms are not likely to make a profound positive impact on the lives of LGBTI people and sex workers. Policy action should extend beyond health and law enforcement institutions and draw in community leaders to mediate the social processes that undercut the universality of rights.","As international rights obligations fnd their codifcation in domestic laws and policies, there needs to be a real engagement with the public and with the underlying moral issues that may hinder their acceptance. The case of Mozambique illustrates the uphill battle for legal norms that remain distant from the public, due to the lack of popularisation in the society and their tension with social norms, as relayed by opinion leaders residing in different parts of the country. This places the onerous task of claiming a legitimate social standing on civil society pressure groups and individual LGBTI and sex workers, and attenuates the country’s commitment to the universality of rights. The exemplary step of breaking away from an inherited law which classifed certain sexual activities as crimes now needs to be supported by interventions which combat the stigma and discrimination against LGBTI people and sex workers and encourage their social inclusion and acceptance in Mozambique.","https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s13178-021-00554-1",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":9},"Mozambique",null,"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Acosta, M., Van Bommel, S., van Wessel, M., Ampaire,E.l.,  Jassogne,L., & Feindt, P.L.",2019,"Discursive Translations of Gender Mainstreaming Norms: The Case of Agricultural and Climate Change Policies in Uganda","Women's Studies International Forum",null,null,74,null,"9-19","While the international norm on gender mainstreaming, UN-backed since 1995, has been widely adopted in national policies, gender inequalities are rarely systematically addressed on the ground. To explain this limited effectiveness, this paper takes a discourse analytical perspective on gender policy and budgeting, with a focus on the translation of the international norm into domestic norms and policies. An in-depth, inductive analysis of 107 policy documents in Uganda examines how the gender mainstreaming norm has been translated at three administrative levels: national, district, sub-county. The analysis finds five processes that reduce the norm's transformational potential: neglecting gender discourse, gender inertia, shrinking gender norms, embracing discursive hybridity and minimizing budgets. Overall, gender mainstreaming largely stopped at the discursive level, and often paradoxically depoliticized gender. The findings explain why gender mainstreaming might be helpful but not sufficient for advancing gender equality and suggest additional focus on promising practices, women's rights movements and stronger monitoring",null,"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0277539518304771",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Uganda","x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x"]
["Adams, M., & Kang, A.",2007,"Regional Advocacy Networks and The Protocol on The Rights of Women in Africa","Politics and Gender",null,null,3,null,"452-474","While there has been a significant amount of research on transnational feminist activism at the global level, many feminist transnational advocacy networks are mobilizing within world regions. The lack of attention to the regional level has created a considerable imbalance in research on transnational activism. This article's first objective is to define regional advocacy networks (RANs) as a collection of individuals and organizations from the same world region working together toward a common goal. The article's second objective is to explore the conditions under which RANs are influential. We investigate conditions for RAN success through a case study of an African network that hdped create one of the world's most progressive treaties on women's rights, the African Union Protocol to the Charter on Human and People's Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa. From an analysis of primary sources and interviews with key participants, we suggest that three factors are crucial for network success: whether a RAN builds alliances with key politicians and civil servants, whether a RAN is able to participate in the decision-making process, and whether a RAN's goals overlap with the target institution's priorities. The broader implication of our study is that scholars seeking to understand the creation of women's rights commitments, the diffusion of women's rights norms, and compliance",null,"https://digitalcommons.unl.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1043&context=poliscifacpub",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x",null,"x",null,"Regional advocacy networks","x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Agarwal, J.D. & Agarwal, A.",2004,"International Money Laundering in The Banking Centre","Finance India","Delhi ",null,18,2,"767-778","Money laundering worldwide through the banking sector is estimated to be between $500 billion and $1 trillion annually with about half of that circulated through US banks. In India, the Government had already issued anti-money laundering guidelines before introduction of a Bill in this regard and an RBI panel had also recommended rules for unproving procedures and policies. Electronic transfers greatly facilitated and magnified the size and dimension of international money laundering where banks are directly involved. Philippine banking industry could have avoided a repeat of the scandal involving the Bank of Credit and Commerce International. The IMF and World Bank should adopt a more comprehensive and integrated approach to conduct assessments of compliance with international standards for fighting money laundering.","Banks play a criital role in facilitating money laundering","https://www.proquest.com/docview/224378157?parentSessionId=%2BU2ulVDR3Ol1o%2BKWNuN8xOsi1YKXPlphbMeHxsnob6Q%3D",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Aguayo‐Tellez, E.",2012,"The Impact of Trade Liberalization Policies and FDI On Gender Inequalities: A Literature Review. ",null,null,"World Bank",{"$nulls":3},"This paper reviews the recent literature on the impact of Trade Liberalization and FDI on gender inequality in employment, wages, education, health and other dimensions of welfare in both developed and developing countries.",null,"https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/9220",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Alexander, K.",2001,"The International Anti-Money-Laundering Regime: The Role of The Financial Action Task Force","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",4,3,"231-248","This paper analyses the international regime of rules, principles and standards designed to reduce the risk of money laundering in the international financial system. The international anti‐money‐laundering regime ranges from a variety of soft law (non‐binding) principles and rules that involve voluntary cooperative arrangements among states that have evolved in recent years, to a more specific legal framework that binds an increasing number of major states. In particular, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and its member states have played a crucial role in developing international norms and rules that require financial institutions to adopt minimum levels of transparency and disclosure to prevent financial crime. The FATF has focused its anti‐money‐laundering efforts on financial institutions because of the ease with which criminal groups have used financial institutions to transmit the proceeds of their illicit activities and because of the threat that money laundering poses to the systemic stability of financial systems","FATF focuses on financial institutions to help implement its recommendations ","https://doi.org/10.1108/eb027276",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",null,"x"]
["Al-Zaqibh, A.A.M.",2013,"International Laws on Money Laundering","International Journal of Social Science and Humanity",null,null,3,1,"43-47","The term “money laundering” was only applied to financial transactions related to organized crime in the past. But today the definition is expanded by government regulators, to include any financial transaction which produces assets of an illegal act, which may involve actions such as tax avoidance or false accounting. In a simple meaning, money laundering refers to illegal or dirty money is put through cycle of transactions or cleanse, so that it comes out the other end as legal or clean money. This paper discusses the international money laundering laws such as the Vienna Convention, FATF and the Palermo Convention as well as UAE legal system (Anti-Money Laundering Act). Based on these facts, the paper infers that money laundering is a serious problem in new era and the laws against money laundering are not completely effective because the biggest problem arise with regard to enforcement. Finally, this paper presents some recommendations that important in the fighting against Money Laundering.","Implementation of AML measures are not fully effective","http://doi.org/10.7763/IJSSH.2013.V3.191",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"UAE and Malaysia","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x"]
["Amrani, H.",2015,"Anti-Money Laundering as International Standards and The Issue of State Sovereignty","Indonesian Journal of International Law,",null,"Hein",12,2,"158-178","It has been recognized that the anti-money laundering regime comprises of preventive and repressivemeasures. Regarding the preventive measures, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) on MoneyLaundering issued the Forty Recommendations which are regarded as international standards inpreventing and controlling money laundering activities. These standards are generally viewed as 'softlaw' and have levels of intervention in legislative, financial, and law enforcement of members  andnon-member countries of the FATE However, the rule-making as well as the implementation andenforcement strategy of these standards are not involved and approved by non-member countries.This article argues that this policy is contrary to the principle of state sovereignty and regardedas one of state interventions in  the domestic affairs of another state. This article seeks to draw theForty Recommendations as international standards and examines the creation and implementationof these standards from the standpoint of state sovereignty by focusing exclusively on the principle ofsovereign equality and non-interference.","FATF's impostion of recomendation may impact on states soverenty ","https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/indjil12&i=164",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Anderson, M., J.",2010,"Transnational Feminism and Norm Diffusion in Peace Processes: The Cases of Burundi and Northern Ireland",{"$nulls":3},4,1,"1-21","This essay offers an explanation for how and why women's rights are included in contemporary peace agreements. I identify six causal mechanisms by which women secured participation and women's rights in the peace processes of Burundi (1998–2000) and Northern Ireland (1996–98). First, violent conflict and peace talks produce the conditions of ‘grievance’ and ‘optimism’ necessary for social movement mobilization. Second, women use ‘procedural grafting’ to demand inclusion in peace processes. Third, they use ‘strategic essentialism’ to overcome the ethno-political divisions of the conflict. Fourth, women call upon relevant practices used in peace processes of the Global South. Fifth, high-level actors may influence peace processes to further international objectives. Sixth, women's involvement with transnational feminist networks facilitates the reproduction of international human rights language.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17502970903086727?casa_token=cQnNh5EjHPkAAAAA%3AwgFomzt9PvTyg49qLJjNOl4PiduAylJmAS8a2cLdzU8sCD6Pb2WSiSPseovEBGIc7iKMR7kdStHR6w",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":13},"Burundi, Northern Ireland",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Avdeyeva, O. ",2007,"When Do States Comply with International Treaties? Policies On Violence Against Women in Post-Communist Countries","International Studies Quarterly",null,null,51,4,"877-900","There is growing evidence that states’ formal ratification of international human rights treaties does not generate changes in states’ domestic human rights practice. This article proposes to investigate a gap between states’ formal commitments to international laws and their domestic practice by careful differentiation of mechanisms of social influence: coercion, persuasion, and acculturation. It is argued that each mechanism has profound implications for rates of ratification of international treaties and the scope of implementation. Two arguments drive the discussion. First, states often ratify international treaties in response to perceived or real social pressures to formally assimilate with other states in the global arena. Thus, they do not have intentions or capacities to implement them. Second, ratification of human rights agreements makes states vulnerable to social pressures of monitoring bodies, which generates different levels of policy compliance. I explore the empirical merits of this approach on the analysis of government compliance with the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women provisions on violence against women in 26 post-Communist countries of Central and Eastern Europe and Central Asia.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/isq/article/51/4/877/1862589",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Avdeyeva, O., & Melin, M.",2021,"International Socialization, International Politics, And the Spread of State Bureaucracies for Women’s Advancement",{"$nulls":3},20,4,"396-413","Since 1975, almost every country in the world has formed a bureaucracy on gender equality. By 2018, more than 160 states had established offices for women’s advancement either at low (office within a ministry) or high (e.g., ministry) levels of government. Such institutional proliferation is puzzling because many of these offices are in states where women have low social, economic, and political status. Using cross-national data on developing states from 1971 to 2012, we examine major theoretical explanations of institutional diffusion and international incentives. Our results confirm existing research on socialization and norm diffusion. Our analysis demonstrates that international influences work in conjunction with domestic supportive structures to provide the most powerful explanation of when developing states adopt women’s bureaucracies for the advancement of women. Our findings have important implications for understanding international pressures and the role of donor intent in the process of global advancement of women’s rights.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14754835.2021.1940889",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x"]
["Ayoub, P.",2015,"Contested Norms in New-Adopt States: International Determinants of LGBT Rights Legislation","European Journal of International Relations",null,"Sage",21,2,"293-322","This article is concerned with the question of why lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) rights legislation is introduced at higher levels in some cases and less so in others. To address this puzzle, the article analyzes changes in LGBT rights legislation across European Union (EU) member states between 1970 and 2009. It focuses on the diffusion of five different categories of such legislation (anti-discrimination, criminal law, partnership, parenting rights, and equal sexual offenses provisions) to new EU member states in Central and Eastern Europe, compared with diffusion patterns in older EU member states. I argue that new-adopter states are more dependent on international resources for making new issues visible and are more inclined to see policy adoption as a means to gain external legitimacy and improve reputation. The analysis reveals that the transnational embeddedness of a state’s LGBT advocacy organizations is a powerful statistical explanation for successful policy diffusion to new EU member states, alongside international channels that lead to LGBT visibility among society and state authorities. In addition to lending cross-national, empirical reinforcement to some of the theoretical expectations regarding the international sources of diffusion, the results suggest variability in the determinants of LGBT policy adoption between the 15 old and 12 new EU states. Domestic factors, particularly economic modernization, are more relevant for policy adoption in the older member states, whereas the newer member states display greater dependence on transnational actors and are more influenced by international channels.","Domestic factors, especially economic modernization, are more relevant for policy adoption in long-standing EU member states (EU-15) states, whereas newly admitted EU member states (EU-12) display greater dependence on transnational actors and are more influenced by international social and political channels. Where domestic predictors were not significantly and consistently correlated with adoption in EU-12 states, economic wealth had explanatory power in all models across EU-15 states. International and transnational sources are particularly important for new-adopter states. They provide the resources to make the issue visible, as well as the legitimizing frames to associate the issue with modernity in the contemporary international society that EU states find themselves in. In sum, firstmover or new-adopter status matters for how international and domestic factors influence diffusion. ","https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/1354066114543335",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Bauer, H. & Peter, M.",2002,"Global Standards for Money-Laundering Prevention","Journal of Financial Crime",null,"Henry Stwart Publications",10,1,"66-72","Describes the Wolfsberg Principles, which are essentially global anti‐money laundering guidelines for private banking only, and were drafted by 11 banks: Citibank, Morgan, Chase, HSBC, Barclays, Banco Santander Central Hispano, Societe Generale, Deutsche Bank, ABM AMRO, Credit Suisse, and UBS. Outlines the topics involved in the guidelines: identification of clients as well as the beneficial owner, situations requiring additional due diligence like business relationships with clients from high risk countries or involving public officials, suspicious activities, and key measures against money laundering such as monitoring, control, or education and training. Assesses the reaction to the Principles, which has generally been good: one problem is that there is no enforcement mechanism. Concludes with the further scope for cooperation between the Wolfsberg group of banks.","Wolfserg group of banks need to work on their enforcement of compliance measures","https://doi.org/10.1108/13590790310808600",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x"]
["BCBS, IAIS & IOSCO",2005,"Initiatives By The BCBS, IAIS And IOSCO To Combat Money Laundering and The Financing of Terrorism",{"$nulls":6},"In   June   2003,   the   Basel   Committee   on   Banking   Supervision   (BCBS),   International   Association  of  Insurance  Supervisors  (IAIS)  and  International  Organization  of  Securities  Commissions  (IOSCO)  published  a  joint  note  providing  a  record  of  the  initiatives  taken  by  each sector to combat money laundering and the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT). The note provided an overview of the common AML/CFT standards that apply to all three sectors and an  assessment  as  to  whether  there  are  serious  gaps  or  inconsistencies  in  approaches  and  recommendations. In addition, it also covered for each sector: the relationships between the institutions  and  their  customers  focussing  on  the  products  or  services  that  are  particularly  vulnerable  to  money  laundering,  how  each  Committee  has  sought  to  address  these  vulnerabilities; and, finally, a description of ongoing and future work.  This note was first prepared for the November 2004 meeting of the Joint Forum in Sydney as an  update  of  AML/CFT  developments  in  the  three  sectors  since  the  June  2003  report.  Compiled from contributions by each of the three Secretariats, it focuses on recent guidance for addressing the vulnerabilities identified in the earlier report and ongoing and future work","Banking, insuanrace and securites sectors must undertake customer due dillgence for AML/CTF purposes","https://www.bis.org/publ/joint11.htm",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":12},"block transactions "]
["Biukovic, L.",2008,"Selective Adaptation of WTO Transparency Norms and Local Practices in China and Japan","Journal of International Economic Law","UK","Oxford University press",11,4,"803-825","This article focuses on the importance of Chinese and Japanese local practices, their regulatory infrastructure and local cultural norms related to transparency as factors in the selective adaptation of the World Trade Organization norms. International laws can acquire a variety of local meanings that require an understanding of the local history and culture in addition to knowledge of the local economy and laws. This article analyzes the selective adaptation paradigm, which allows for a determination of the extent to which noncompliance or less than full compliance can be attributed to the cultural particularities of states political factors such as the relationship between the central and local authorities. This article argues that a shift in perception of regulatory transparency norms in China and Japan has occurred, and that this shift has had important economic and political consequences internally and externally, which has brought about significant administrative law reforms and improved compliance with international norms.","Norm adoption was selective. A more flexible approach may be needed to account for cultural and insitutional differeces.","https://doi.org/10.1093/jiel/jgn028",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"Japan, China","x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Bodur Un, M. ",2019,"Contesting Global Gender Equality Norms: The Case of Turkey","Review of International Studies",null,null,45,5,null,"Over the past two decades, constructivist International Relations (IR) scholars have produced substantial knowledge on the diffusion and adoption of global norms, emphasising the role of Western norm entrepreneurs in constructing and promoting new norms to passive, generally non-Western, norm takers. An emergent literature on norm dynamics unsettles this narrative of linear progress, highlighting the agency of diverse actors, including the agency of non-Western norm entrepreneurs, in normative change. This article contributes to this recent norm research by exploring the normative agency of local actors in the Turkish context, who have actively engaged in normative contestation over the meaning of gender equality. More specifically, the article reveals the crucial role of a pro-government, conservative women's organisation in subverting global gender equality norms and in promoting a local norm of ‘gender justice’ as an alternative. The article furthers research on norm contestation by analysing the discursive strategies and justifications local norm makers have adopted in the Turkish context upon encountering norms that challenged their normative beliefs and practices. Finally, the article critically engages with postsecular feminism, highlighting the agency of a religiously informed, conservative women's organisation as a non-Western norm entrepreneur.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/review-of-international-studies/article/abs/contesting-global-gender-equality-norms-the-case-of-turkey/0EFC03F3BDC2C4B5E57BC2D91B1FA9E7",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":4},"Turkey",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x"]
["Boudet, M.A., Petesch, P., Turk, C., Thumala, A.",2013,"On Norms and Agency: Conversations About Gender Equality with Women and Men In 20 Countries",null,"Washington DC ","World Bank",{"$nulls":3},"This report provides tremendous insight on gender norms an area that has been resistant to change, and that constrains achievement of gender equality across many diverse cultures. The report synthesizes data collected from more than 4,000 women and men in 97 communities across 20 countries. It is the largest dataset ever collected on the topic of gender and development, providing an unprecedented opportunity to examine potential patterns across communities on social norms and gender roles, pathways of empowerment, and factors that drive acute inequalities. The analysis raises the profile of persistent social norms and their impact on agency, and catalyzes discourse on the many pathways that create opportunities for women and men to negotiate transformative change. The report is underpinned by the fact that arguably the single most important contribution to development is to unleash the full power of half the people on the planet women. It underscores how crucial making investments in learning, supporting innovations that reduce the time costs of women s mobility, and developing a critical mass of women and men pushing the boundaries of entrenched social norms are in enhancing women s agency and capacity to aspire.",null,"https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/13818",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Bush, S.S.",2011,"International Politics and The Spread of Quotas for Women in Legislatures","International Organisation Journal",null,null,65,1,"103-137","Quotas to promote women's representation in the world's legislatures have spread to more than one hundred countries. The diffusion of gender quotas poses a puzzle since they have often been adopted in countries where women have low status. International influence and inducements best explain quota adoption in developing countries. Promoting gender equality, including through gender quotas, has become a key part of international democracy promotion. The international legitimacy of gender quotas leads them to be adopted through two causal pathways: directly, through postconflict peace operations, and indirectly, by encouraging countries, especially those that depend on foreign aid, to signal their commitment to democracy by adopting quotas. An event history analysis, which controls for other relevant factors, shows that the hypothesized relationships exist. Further support comes from a process-tracing analysis of Afghanistan's 2004 quota.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/abs/international-politics-and-the-spread-of-quotas-for-women-in-legislatures/03018369E9BCFBC5A470AE9BD0319C28 ",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":8},"Afghanisatn, Mozambique","x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Celik, K.",2021,"Impact Of the FATF Recommendations and Their Implementation on Financial Inclusion - Insights from Mutual Evaluations and National Risk Assessments","EFI Insight-Finance","Washington","World Bank",{"$nulls":3},"Financial system safeguards against money laundering and terrorist financing are crucial for the integrity of the global financial system, but these safeguards need to be crafted in such a way that they do not negatively affect financial inclusion and disincentive the use of the formal financial system by ordinary individuals and businesses. This study examines the possible unintended consequences of the implementation of international standards on anti-money laundering, combating the financing of terrorism (AML-CFT) on financial inclusion objectives and proposes ways to address any such consequences. This examination focuses mainly on external AML-CFT compliance evaluations, so-called mutual evaluations, led by international organizations and the money laundering and terrorist financing (ML-TF) risk assessments undertaken by the countries themselves. The analysis is supplemented by interviews with officials and private sector representatives from three countries and by field experience and observations from experts. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), the international standard setter for AML-CFT, has been devoting increasing attention to financial inclusion over the past decade, but this is not yet fully reflected in country mutual evaluations. The FATF’s increasing attention is evident in its guidance papers on financial inclusion and digital identification (ID), and in the recognition of the importance of financial inclusion in its 2019 mandate. However, coverage of financial inclusion in mutual evaluations is still uneven and mostly superficial and is not accompanied by concrete policy recommendations.","FATF recommendations can have unintended negative consequences for developing countries","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/entities/publication/f3c905fe-5caa-567d-beb4-bd9f9756a77e",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x","x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Center for Global Development",2015,"Unintended Consequences of Anti–Money Laundering Policies for Poor Countries",null,null,"Center for Golbal Development",{"$nulls":3},"Money laundering, terrorism financing and sanctions violations by individuals, banks and other financial entities are serious offenses with significant negative consequences for rich and poor countries alike. Governments have taken important steps to address these offenses. Efforts by international organizations, the US, UK and others to combat money laundering and curb illicit financial flows are a necessary step to increase the safety of the financial system and improve security, both domestically and around the world. But the policies that have been put in place to counter financial crimes may also have unintentional and costly consequences, in particular for people in poor countries. [1] Those most affected are likely to include the families of migrant workers, small businesses that need to access working capital or trade finance, and recipients of life-saving aid in active-conflict, post-conflict or post-disaster situations. And sometimes, current policies may be self-defeating to the extent that they reduce the transparency of financial flows.\n\nThe policies that have been put in place to counter financial crimes may have unintentional and costly consequences.\n\nUnder the current approach, banks are asked to prevent sanctions violations and assess and mitigate money laundering (ML) and terrorist financing (TF) risks, or face penalties. However, regulators sometimes send mixed signals about whether and how banks and other entities should manage their ML/TF risk, which sometimes results in simplistic risk assessment methodologies being applied by these entities. There may also be a chilling effect resulting from the imposition of legitimate fines on some large banks for egregious contraventions of anti-money laundering, counter the financing of terror and, particularly, sanctions laws (commonly referred to collectively as AML/CFT). These factors, along with others, have led banks to adopt an understandably conservative position. This includes exiting from providing services to firms, market segments and countries that are seen as higher risk, lower profitability and could become the source of costly future fines, monitorships or even prosecutions. Banks are engaging in “de-risking” by ceasing to engage in types of activities that are seen to be higher risk in a wholesale fashion, rather than judging the risks of clients on a case-by-case basis. [2]\n\nIndividual banks may be acting rationally in not serving certain types of clients, due to a variety of factors. However, the implementation of AML/CFT appears to have created categories of clients whose business cannot justify the associated compliance costs. The financial exclusion of such clients creates yet another obstacle for poverty alleviation and economic growth, especially in poor countries. While the consequences seem manifold, the data are too weak to make systemic judgments. That said, we do observe some correlations between AML/CFT policies and debanking of money transfer organizations, correspondent banking, and non-profits trying to access banking services in difficult environments:\n\nMigrants who want to send money home and the families who rely on that money need a healthy money transfer organization (MTO) sector. These MTOs are seeing banking services denied, downgraded, or made more expensive. In other words, MTOs are pushed out of one bank and have to find another that may be more expensive, or based in a less transparent jurisdiction. In 2013, more than 140 UK-based remittance companies were told by Barclays Bank that their accounts would be closed. Following this, and similar de-banking episodes in the US and Australia, only larger money transfer organizations have access to bank accounts. Industry bodies report that many smaller players have been forced to close, become agents of larger businesses, or even disguise the true nature of their operations in order to remain banked. Given that remittances from migrant workers total $440bn a year (more than three times foreign aid), a vital source of finance for poor countries might be affected.\nVulnerable people in post-disaster or conflict situations rely on non-profit organizations (NPOs) to deliver humanitarian assistance. Citizens of all countries rely on NPOs to assist in sustainably reducing the incidence of terrorism. But these same (NPOs) report difficulties carrying out operations. For instance, HSBC closed the bank account of several NPOs including the Cordoba Foundation, a think tank that receives money from the UK government for work to prevent terrorism, saying only that continuing to bank the organization ‘fell outside the bank’s risk appetite’.\nSmall to medium-sized firms in poor countries lack the credit they need to create jobs. To get access to this credit, they need local banks to have easy connections to large international banks. Unfortunately, rich country banks increasingly report withdrawing correspondent banking services from banks in high risk jurisdictions, including many poor countries, reducing their access to the global financial system.\nRegulators may also be losing out. They find it more difficult to track transactions as MTOs who cannot send funds electronically begin to use potentially less transparent mechanisms including bulk currency exchanges, and as banks and businesses in poor countries have to send funds via banks with less robust compliance programs and operating in less transparent jurisdictions instead of directly to rich countries. In the long term, this threatens public safety and economic stability across the globe.\nSo serious is the problem of de-risking that Mark Carney, Governor of the Bank of England and Chairman of the Financial Stability Board, has termed it ‘financial abandonment’, while Janet Yellen, Chair of the US Federal Reserve, acknowledged before Congress that rich countries’ AML/CFT rules were ‘causing a great deal of hardship’. In 2015, the G20 Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors welcomed work by the FSB that addresses the withdrawal of correspondent banking.\n\nIn this report we catalogue extensive suggestive evidence of some of the unintended consequences of AML/CFT and sanctions enforcement. We recognize that FATF and others are already taking steps to address these problems and we welcome their efforts. In this report, we recommend five key actions that should be taken by public officials — particularly in the Financial Action Task Force (FATF, the global standard setting body for AML/CFT) and the Financial Stability Board (FSB, which coordinates and reviews the work of the international standard setting bodies) — as well as by national regulators, banks, MTOs and NPOs. The support of the United States, the United Kingdom and other rich countries for these efforts are critical, as is that of the G20.\n\nNational regulators should work to reduce regulatory uncertainty and provide clear signals to banks and other financial institutions. Banks should also play a role, especially by continuing to invest in portable identity verification and tracking. Money transfer organizations and non-profits should make greater efforts to implement and demonstrate effective compliance systems. Better cooperation among regulators, policy makers, and private actors would enable meeting the twin goals of stopping money going to bad actors and allowing finance to flow in an efficient and transparent way.\n\nWhere necessary, the actions we recommend need to be taken in conjunction with other specialist organizations such as the United Nations and the EU (sanctions), the Basel Committee on Banking Supervision (standard setter for bank supervision), the Committee on Payments and Market Infrastructures (standard setter for payment systems), the IMF and the World Bank. The Financial Action Task Force (FATF) is the global standard-setting body for AML/CFT. However, it has stated, in line with the evidence, that de-risking behavior has many drivers, a number of which lie outside its mandate. A process led by the FSB and supported by FATF is appropriate. [3]\n\nWe summarize five recommendations below. While some of the following recommendations are potentially ‘quick wins’ that could be enacted rapidly and at little cost, others would take several years to implement and will require significant financing, both from governments and from the private sector.","Vietnam complies with international anti-money laundering standards to avoid economic sanctions and reputational damage","https://www.cgdev.org/publication/unintended-consequences-anti-money-laundering-policies-poor-countries",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x"]
["Chada, A.",2014,"Political Participation of Women: A Case Study in India (Maybe)","OIDA International Journal of Sustainable Development",null,null,7,2,"91-108","All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights and that everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion,…birth or other status. However, it is the most unfortunate that women have suffered inferior position to men in almost all societies of world. In ancient India, the woman enjoyed equal status with men in all spheres of the life. Women of later periods spanning between the middle and modern ages have been denied their rightful place of honour and a vortex of innumerable caste and communal combinations, has paid scant regards for the education and welfare of women culminating in child marriage, sati, ban on widow marriage, and divorce, to name a few atrocities on them. The ability to challenge the subordination was seriously affected by the omission of women from positions of power in all its manifestations. The leaders of both pre and post independent India paid nothing but lip service to the upliftment of women in various walks of life including rightful representation in the legislatures, both at the centre and in the states, with the result that even now women do not enjoy place of pride in the power centres of legislation, administration and party leadership. At the international level also, on women’s issues, women’s political empowerment was at the center stage of all the discourses, but still, in any political system, participation of women is very low as compared to men right from the developed to developing countries. No doubt, the principle of gender equality is enshrined in the Indian Constitution. The Constitution of India guarantees adult franchise and provides full opportunities and framework for women to participate actively in politics. But it is pity that the decades following independence witnessed a decline in the participation of women in the politics. The state and society seem to be lagging behind in offering them political reservations that were long overdue. Of late, the Women's Reservation Bill has been a political ball for nearly a decade and half. It has always triggered heated debates within Parliament and outside. The proposed legislation to reserve 1/3rd seats in the Parliament and State Legislatures for women was drafted first by the H D Deve Gowda-led United Front government. The Bill was introduced in the Lok Sabha on September 12, 1996. Although it has been introduced in Parliament several times, the Bill could not be passed because of lack of political consensus. Though our Constitution and various other legislative enactments and different Commissions established for women from time to time have made a number of efforts for the achievement of the objective of gender equality, yet in actual practice, the planned efforts to emancipate women educationally, economically and particularly politically did not yield the desired results over the decades after independence. This paper deals with the women emancipation through its political participation. Realizing women’s subjugation and subordination and affirmative discrimination against women in general there has emerged the need of their empowerment – both political and economic. The objective of this paper is to support and encourage the enactment of the Women's Political Reservation Bill. Additionally its aim is to stimulate the initiatives for stopping corruption, criminalization and communalization of politics, for enforcing stringent ceiling of funding expenses incurred for election campaigns and creating awareness in the society in order to inculcate the values of gender equality and gender justice. In order to achieve these objectives, the present work is based heavily on United Nations reports, International norms and conventions, Indian Constitutional provisions and other statutory enactments providing favourable laws rendering special privileges for the benefits of women, Government of India reports, NGO reports and important works by modern jurists who contributed a lot towards the evolution and growth of feminist jurisprudence and studies.",null,"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2441693",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":5},"India","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Cherif, M.F.",2010,"Culture, Rights, And Norms: Women’s Rights Reform in Muslim Countries","The Journal of Politics",null,null,72,4,"1144-1160","While gender inequality in developing countries is widely studied, the obstacles facing women in Muslim countries and the efficacy of the various strategies to overcome it are less well understood. Extant strategies for improving women’s conditions rely on transnational advocacy primarily through norms building, however, the effectiveness of such approaches has largely escaped systematic evaluation. Examining discrimination in family and nationality laws, which exemplify women’s unequal citizenship, I offer a complementary perspective that emphasizes the role of core rights—improving women’s education levels and work force participation—to explain differences in women’s status. Using cross-national data, I analyze the influence of Islamic culture and the factors that advance these citizenship rights. The results suggest both that Islamic tenets influence the nature of inheritance and nationality rights in Muslim countries, and that promoting women’s core rights in education and labor force participation can moderate the effects of religious culture.",null,"https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/full/10.1017/S0022381610000587?casa_token=JVXI_JDeo70AAAAA%3AuYP2qRkFDYr4-ms6z9no1yZ15gDnbE3yUzsNWMhTgvs1f71gKwxCDjgS0nFRWcGaQCeNA9KtENs",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"Pakistan and India",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x"]
["Chitimira, H. & Munedzi, S.",2023,"Overview International Best Practices on Customer Due diligence And Related Anti-Money laundering Measures","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",26,7,"53-62","Purpose–The anti-money laundering (AML) frameworks of many countries were generally influenced bythe international best practices of money laundering that werefirst established in 1988 through the BaselCommittee on Banking Supervision (BCBS). The general belief is that these international best practices areapplicable in all jurisdictions, although most countries are still affected by money laundering. Theinternational best practices are universal measures that were developed as a yardstick to control and curbmoney laundering globally. Nonetheless, international best practices for money laundering are not tailor-made for specific jurisdictions and/or countries. Therefore, it remains the duty of respective jurisdictions and/or countries to develop their own context-sensitive AML measures in accordance with international bestpractices. An overview of the AML international best practices that were developed and adopted by severalcountries are analysed in this paper. These include customer due diligence measures established by the BCBS,thefinancial action task force (FATF) standards, as well as the ongoing monitoring and the risk-sensitiveapproach that were implemented to curb money laundering globally.Design/methodology/approach–The article analyses the AML international best practices that weredeveloped and adopted by several countries. These include customer due diligence measures established bythe BCBS, the FATF standards, as well as the ongoing monitoring and the risk-sensitive approach that wereimplemented to curb money laundering globally.Findings–It is hoped that policymakers and other relevant persons will use the recommendations providedin the paper to enhance the curbing of money laundering infinancial institutions globally.Research limitations/implications–The paper does not provide empirical research.Practical implications–The study is useful to all policymakers, lawyers, law students and regulatorybodies globally.Social implications–The study seeks to curb money laundering in the economy and society globally.Originality/value–The study is original research on the use of AML/counterfinancing of terrorisminternational best practices to curb money laundering activities globally.","South Aficna lacks capacity to fully implement FATF recommendations. Customer due dillgence is a challenge"," https://doi.org/10.1108/JMLC-07-2022-0102",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x"]
["Cislaghi, B., Denny, E. K., Cissé, M., Gueye, P., Shrestha, B., Shrestha, P. N., Ferguson, G., Hughes, C., & Clark, C. J.",2019,"Changing Social Norms: The Importance Of “Organized Diffusion” For Scaling Up Community Health Promotion and Women Empowerment Interventions (Maybe)","Prevention Science",null,null,20,null,"936-946","Some harmful practices are sustained by social norms—collective beliefs about what people expect from each other. Practitioners and researchers alike have been investigating the potential of social norms theory to inform the design of effective interventions addressing these practices in low- and middle-income countries. One approach commonly used to facilitate social norms change is community-based dialogs and trainings. This approach has often been criticized for not being cost-effective, as it usually includes a relatively small number of direct participants and does not allow for scaling-up strategies. In spite of some evidence (as for instance, the SASA! Program) that community dialogs can achieve social norms change, little exists in the literature about how exactly participants in community dialogs engage others in their networks to achieve change. In this paper, we look at the potential of “organized diffusion” as a cost-effective strategy to expand the positive effects of community-based interventions to participants’ networks, achieving sustainable normative shifts. We provide quantitative evidence from three case studies—Community Empowerment Program in Mali, Change Starts at Home in Nepal, and Voices for Change in Nigeria—showing that participants in community-based interventions can be effectively empowered to share their new knowledge and understandings systematically with others in their networks, eventually facilitating social norms change. Future community-based interventions intending to achieve social norms change would benefit from integrating ways to help participants engage others in their network in transformative conversations. Doing so has the potential to generate additional impact with little additional investment.",null,"https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11121-019-00998-3","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Mali, Nepal, Nigeria","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Cohen, T. ",2012,"The Efficacy of International Standards in Countering Gender Inequality in The Workplace,","Industrial Law Journal",null,null,33,1,"19-35","The United Nations (UN) and the International Labour Organization (ILO) have signified a clear commitment to the advancement of gender equality in the workplace through four key ILO Conventions - the Equal Remuneration Convention 100 of 1951, the Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention 111 of 1958, the Workers with Family Responsibilities Convention 156 of 1981, and the Maternity Protection Convention 183 of 2000. In addition, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)1 and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Protocol on Gender and Development commit to the elimination of gender inequalities. 2 In South Africa these international and regional instruments are augmented by a generous Constitution and protective legislation, 3 setting standards for the fair treatment and attainment of fair opportunities for women in the workplace",null,"https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/iljuta34&div=6&id=&page=&collection=journals",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"South fric",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x"]
["Cold-Ravnkilde, S.M., Engberg-Pedersen, L., & Fejerskov, A.M",2018,"Global Norms and Heterogeneous Development Organizations Introduction to Special Issue on New Actors, Old Donors and Gender Equality Norms in International Development Cooperation","Progress in Development Studies",null,null,18,2,"77-94","Contemporary development cooperation is characterized by an increasing tension between a growing diversity of actors and significant attempts at homogenizing development practices through global norms prescribing ‘good development’. This special issue shows empirically how diverse development organizations engage with global norms on gender equality. To understand this diversity of norm-engagement conceptually, this introductory article proposes four explanatory dimensions: (i) organizational history, culture and structures; (ii) actor strategies, emotions and relationships; (iii) organizational pressures and priorities; and (iv) the normativeenvironment and stakeholders. We argue that, while development organizations cannot avoid addressing global norms regarding gender equality, they do so in considerably divergent ways. However, the differences are explained less by whether these organizations constitute ‘new’ or ‘old’ donors than by the four identified dimensions.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1464993417750289",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"Theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Commission for Gender Equality",2010,"South Africa’s Compliance with The Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action",null,"South Africa","Comission for Gender Equality",{"$nulls":3},"The Commission for Gender Equality (CGE) is an independent institution established in terms of Section 187 of the Constitution Act no 108 of 1996 of the Republic of South Africa. The CGE is charged with a broader mandate to promote respect for gender equality and the protection, development and attainment of gender equality in South Africa. Part of its mandate is to monitor the implementation of the international and regional conventions, covenants and charters signed, or acceded to, and or ratified by South Africa, that impact directly or indirectly on gender equality. These instruments include amongst others the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action (BPA) (1995), Convention on the Elimination of Violence Against Women (CEDAW), Protocol to the African Charter on Human and People‟s Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa and the Solemn Declaration on Gender Equality in Africa.","South Africa has achieved notable progress in the implementation of the Beijing\nDeclaration and Platform for Action. It has adopted a National Policy Framework to\naddress gender mainstreaming in all government departments. There is a Constitution in\nplace with protects against unfair discrimination on the basis of race, colour, ethnic or\nsocial origin, sex, religion or language.","https://static.pmg.org.za/150304beijing.pdf",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"South fric",null,"x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x"]
["Cook, B. & Vieira, B.",2016,"The Road to Successful Partnerships: How Governments in The Global North Can Effectively Partner with Intermediary Organizations to Support LGBTI Communities in The Global South and East",null,"New York","Global Philanthropy Project",{"$nulls":3},"The purpose of this report is to identify and discuss government funding case studies that yield good practices, lessons learned and opportunities for funding LGBTI groups and movements in the Global South and East. In particular, the report examines various partnership models where governments work with intermediaries to fund and support LGBTI groups on the ground. This report describes ten case studies of partnerships between Global North government donors, intermediaries and LGBTI civil society organizations (CSOs), with the goal of distributing funding and providing support to CSOs and LGBTI individuals in the Global South and East.","Overall, the key learning from the report is that the challenge for governments in how to fund LGBTI groups and movements well does not lie in selecting exactly the right model, but rather in ensuring that key elements are in place in the partnership that promote effective collaboration grounded in trust, transparency and shared decision-making. The following conditions must be present to ensure success:\n High-level, political commitment in government.\n Coordinated government strategy that takes a broad approach.\n Champion inside government.\n LGBTI-inclusive staff policy in all organizations. \n Local ownership/ability to influence project design and delivery. \n Local ownership/ability to influence strategy of intermediaries and funders - This did not happen in any of the case studies researched for this report.\n Power analysis – so power differentials between Global North and Global South and East are actively addressed in the structure of the partnership.\n Sensitive and adaptable to local political, economic and cultural context.\n Flexible funding. \n Manageable reporting and monitoring and evaluation (M&E) burden.\n Intermediaries which have the following characteristics: a) established relationships with LGBTI groups in the Global South and East; b) grant-making skills and a proven grants strategy; c) effective organizational capacity and infrastructure to manage money; d) excellent relationship management capacity.\n","https://globalphilanthropyproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/The-Road-to-Successful-Partnerships-FINAL-7.7.16.pdf ",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Crocker, A.P.",2019,"The Diffusion of Gender Policy in Latin America: From Quotas to Parity","Journal of International Women's Studies",null,null,20,6,null,"Diffusion may be seen logically as both an external and internal processes. In the first case, external factors influence the domestic affairs of a state. In the second it is a subfield of linkage politics, where both internal and external events interact within a state (True and Mintrom, 2001; Piatti-Crocker, 2011). Thus, an appropriate explanation of diffusion should be given in terms both of the unit of analysis (e.g. states, individuals, or groups of individuals) and the social structures in which these units are embedded (e.g. world or regional systems). This research claims that since the 1990s two policy waves have spread in Latin America in a relatively short period of time. The first one after the adoption of gender quota legislation in Argentina in 1991, which led to a “take-off point” for the sort of “bandwagon effect” (Kingdon, 1995) that led to a quota movement in the region and to the adoption of similar (though not identical) gender quota laws in seventeen other Latin American countries. Within the first decade of this millennium, a second wave began taking hold in Latin America, leading this time, to the adoption of gender parity legislation in seven countries, also with some variance. Both waves are still on-going but parity has become a more dominant trend.",null,"https://vc.bridgew.edu/jiws/vol20/iss6/4/",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Davis, S.E. & True, J.",2017,"Norm Entrepreneurship in Foreign Policy: William Hague and The Prevention of Sexual Violence in Conflict","Foreign Policy Analysis",null,null,13,2,"701-721","Theories of international norm diffusion rely on accounts of entrepreneurial action almost exclusively identified as normative non-state actors who persuade powerful states to change their behaviour. We argue that powerful state agents can (also) be moral norm entrepreneurs and explicate the foreign policy acts that make them significant agents of international socialisation. Unlike non-state actors who set the agenda by advocating for new norms, foreign policy leaders leverage their identity and position to advance the recognition and diffusion of already established norms by reframing the moral prerogative of the ‘national interest’. The paper examines a prominent case, namely former British foreign secretary, Mr. William Hague's promotion, through the offices of the British Foreign Commonwealth, of the international norm prohibiting use of sexual violence in conflict. We ask why and how did the United Kingdom and William Hague devote the attention and resources of the foreign policy apparatus to further this norm established more than a decade earlier in the Rome Statute of the ICC and by gender justice advocates? Crucially, our findings highlight the role of foreign policy leadership in re-framing conflict-related sexual violence as a threat to national and international peace and security, the strategic use of the individual positioning of the foreign minister, the harnessing of the foreign policy machinery to mobilize commitments from other states through networked diplomacy, and seizing international political opportunities to promote the take-up of the norm.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/fpa/article-abstract/13/3/701/3077289?redirectedFrom=fulltext&login=false",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x"]
["De Almagro, M.M.",2018,"Lost Boomerangs, The Rebound Effect and Transnational Advocacy Networks: A Discursive Approach to Norm Diffusion","Review of International Studies",null,null,44,4,"672-693","This article aims to show the added value of studying transnational advocacy networks through a discursive approach in order to better understand the outcomes of norm diffusion in postconflict contexts. I argue that constructivist approaches to norm diffusion fall short as an explanation of norm adoption because they assume an automatic process of norm propagation through socialisation mechanisms. The first goal of the article is then to discuss how the internal dynamics of discourse negotiation in transnational advocacy networks impact the diffusion and implementation of international norms. The second goal is to propose the concept of the rebound effect and to explore the conditions under which it takes place. Through data collected during extended fieldwork, the article examines a prominent case, namely the transnational campaign for the implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security in Burundi and Liberia. I ask why and how the campaign was understood as a success in Liberia and as a failure in Burundi. I argue that there is another way of looking at these cases in less dichotomised ways. Crucially, my findings demonstrate how in both cases a very particular discourse on gender security is (re)produced through power relations between local and transnational activists limiting the type of policies that are advocated for and depoliticising the grassroots.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/review-of-international-studies/article/abs/lost-boomerangs-the-rebound-effect-and-transnational-advocacy-networks-a-discursive-approach-to-norm-diffusion/DB7B4283BE0252DEC8F01EBF6CF6098F",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"Burundi and Liberia","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x"]
["De Koker, L.",2020,"Financial Action Task Force Standards and Financial Inclusion: What Should Be Done – And What Should Not Be Done - To Improve the Alignment Between Integrity and Inclusion Policy Objectives?","Working Paper",{"$nulls":5},"The working paper was drafted to meet the 31 August 2020 deadline of the Financial Action Task Force’s public consultation process relating to the extension of the risk-based approach to proliferation financing. The paper draws primarily on recommendations made in our research papers over the past two decades to highlight the following:\n\n• Broaden FATF’s financial inclusion focus from access to financial services to actual usage of those services;\n• Require supervisory understanding of institutional decisions not to simplify CDD in lower risk scenarios;\n• Do not extend FATF’s risk-based measures to proliferation financing without considering its impact on financial inclusion;\n• Ensure that the FATF standards support collaborative Customer Due Diligence to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of AML/CFT control measures.","Researchers in the early 2000s highlighted tensions between financial integrity measures and\nfinancial inclusion and argued that the inclusion and integrity policy objectives are complementary.\nFATF agreed and has taken a range of steps since 2011 to lessen such tensions. Some of the older\ntensions still remain. In addition, innovations in financial services and the national implementation\nFATF must balance security with inclusion in developing countries","https://ssrn.com/abstract=3679779",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["De Vido, S.",2019,"Soft Organizations, Hard Powers: The FATF And the FSB As Standard-Setting Bodies","Global Jurist",null,null,19,2,null,"The purpose of this contribution is to analyze two major standard setting bodies, namely the Financial ActionTask Force on money laundering and the Financial Stability Board from an international law perspective. Itwill be demonstrated that they are“soft organizations”, which, despite their loose structure, can exercise“hardpowers”in inducing States to comply with their standards.","FSB and FATF have soft and hard enforcment mechanisms ","https://doi.org/10.1515/gj-2018-0030",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":10},"x","x"]
["Del Mundo, C.F.S.",2019,"How Countries Seek to Strengthen anti-Money Laundering Laws in Response to The Panama Papers, And the Ethical Implications of Incentivizing Whistleblowers","North-western Journal of International Law & Business",null,null,40,1,"87-122","The Panama Papers is currently the world's largest whistleblower case thatinvolved]1].5 million leaked documents and over 214, 000 offshore entities. It alllinked back to one Panamanian law firm, Mossack Fonseca. In 2016, over 400investigative journalists collaboratively and simultaneously published storiesthat exposed the money laundering and tax-evading schemes committed by therich and powerful. This included political figures  and heads of states,celebrities, sports figures, criminal organizations, and terrorist groups.This article aims to dissect the innerworkings of Mossack Fonseca's asset-shielding strategy and investigate how the Panamanian law firm was able tocircumvent the tax and anti-money laundering laws of over 50 countries. Wewill also examine the global responses to the Panama Papers, the proposedreforms and strategies, and the obstacles to moving forward. Finally, thisarticle explores the ethical duties of lawyers,  the significance of attorney-clientprivilege, and the implications ofmonetarily incentivizing whistleblowers.","Provides evidence on how law firms can circumvent tax and money laundering policies/laws","https://heinonline.org/HOL/P?h=hein.journals/nwjilb40&i=91",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x","x",null,null,"Panama, U.S., EU, Germany","x","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Dioli, I.",2011,"From Globalization to Europeanization – And then? Transnational Influences in Lesbian Activism of The Western Balkans","Journal of Lesbian Studies",null,"Routledge",15,3,"311-323","The article looks at transnational dynamics in lesbian activism\nin the Western Balkans, with particular focus on Serbia and\nBosnia and Herzegovina, over the last two decades. Based on 30\ninterviews with activists from local and international feminist,\nlesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT), and queer organizations, the article discusses the role played by transnational\ncontacts in the development of lesbian activism in the region and\nthe related issues arising within the conflicting relationship between\nthe “East” and the “West,” with special attention to trends related\nto international intervention and cooperation, globalization, and\nEuropeanization.","Unlike in the West where lobbying for lesbian rights is based on civil rights, in the Balkans - because of the hostile domestic context - lobbying has taken a human rights approach. This, and a Western tendency to see local organizations as implementers rather than partners, has led to some conflict over methodologies. But the approach of lobbying on human rights grounds has certainly led to positive results on the legislative level, with the discussion and adoption of comprehensive anti-discrimination laws and incrased accountability of governments before international institutions providing some basic democratic criteria. However, such laws were often passed in order to comply with international requirements, without Parliamentary discussion, and risk to remain exclusively cosmetic in nature, if not supported by grass-roots and identity politics. Also see transnational networking among groups from former Yugoslav countries that help address isolation created by hostile domestic contexts. ","https://doi.org/10.1080/10894160.2011.530149",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"Balkans","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Dobrowolski, Z. & Sułkowski, L.",2020,"Implementing A Sustainable Model for Anti-Money laundering In the United Nations development Goals","Sustainability 2020",null,null,12,1,"244-267","The United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), adopted in 2015, are the mostrelevant global agreements on 17 of the most important issues that are crucial to all countries andtheir societies. The achievement of all SDGs requires a reduction in the scale of money launderingdestabilizing domestic economies. This original research study has shown that the supreme auditinstitutions’ (SAI) capacity to audit and evaluate anti-money laundering system is limited for anumber of reasons including the lack of global SAI standards and guidelines for auditing anti-moneylaundering systems. The aim of this research was to create a generally accepted approach to auditinganti-money laundering outcomes.  To address the research goal, interviews were conducted with15 representatives of 11 SAIs. In addition, members of the International Organization of SupremeAudit Institutions (INTOSAI) were interviewed and SAI audits of anti-money laundering entitieswere analysed.  A literature review was also carried out.  Based on this research study, an originalapproach both to managing anti-money laundering and auditing such activities was created. Thisresearch provides the basis for strengthening risk management that supports an efficient realizationof SDGs.  The proposed Sustainable Model for Anti-Money Laundering will enhance SAI’s auditcapacity and significantly improve parliamentary watchdogs’ investigative functions.","Auditors working in supreme audit instiutions state that they do not have knowledge or capacity to undertake anti-money-laundering audits","https://doi.org/10.3390/su12010244",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":13},"x"]
["Donnelly, S.",2007,"The International Accounting Standards Board","New Political Economy",null,"Routledge",12,1,"117-125",null,"Accounting standards can be used to deter money laundering ","https://doi.org/10.1080/13563460601068875",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Donno, D., Fox, S., & Kaasik, J.",2022,"International Incentives for Women’s Rights in Dictatorships","Comparative Political Studies",null,null,55,3,"451-492","Democracy and women’s rights are integrally “bundled” by the international community. This means that dictatorships can signal adherence to international norms by demonstrating progress on gender equality, often in a manner that is consistent with the perpetuation of authoritarian rule. Using a new dataset of de jure advances in women’s rights, we show that dictatorships have vigorously enacted gender-related legislation, at a rate that surpasses democracies in the developing world. This pattern is shaped by international (Western) pressure: Among autocracies, foreign aid dependence and international nongovernmental organization shaming are associated with legal advances in women’s rights, but not with reforms in other, more politically costly areas related to elections, political competition, and repression. Our account therefore highlights selective compliance as a form of adaptation to international pressure and underscores the role of international incentives as a complement to domestic “bottom-up” pressure for women’s rights in dictatorships.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/00104140211024306?casa_token=f8_YamuGUJUAAAAA:I3zAe47Ti4a9FJkLA1KiwXGU_lWrZawNkLx1AmJaozj-1pUrIiu-qq21ltedSJ0waoYDwi8R2uaj",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Ebire, K. & Daniels, P.",2022,"Interagency And Global Coalitions in Combating Illicit Financial Flows: The Case of Nigeria","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited","ahead-of-print",null,null,"This paper aims to assess the roles of agencies in combating illicit financial flows (IFFs) in Nigeria. Specifically, this paper explores the roles of the major anti-corruption agencies – the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) and Independent Corrupt Practices and other Related Offences Commission (ICPC) – in curbing IFFs in Nigeria. This paper reviews the various activities and achievements of these agencies in combating IFFs and concludes that in spite of the effort made by these anti-graft agencies, Nigeria still ranks top among African countries suffering from IFFs. Therefore, this study recommends a need for a collective and coordinated strategy by authorities worldwide to address the difficulties posed by financial crimes.","Despite the effort made by Nigerian anti-graft agencies illicitt financial flows are  still prevelent. There is a need for intellengece sharing amng agencies n Nigeria","https://doi.org/10.1108/JMLC-05-2022-0065",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Edgell, A.B.",2017,"Foreign Aid, Democracy, And Gender Quota Laws","Democratisation",null,null,24,6,"1103-1141","Why do so many developing countries have gender quota policies? This article argues that foreign aid programmes influence developing countries to adopt policies aimed at fulfilling international norms regarding gender equality. This relationship is driven by two causal mechanisms. On the one hand, countries may use gender quotas as a signal to improve their standing in the international hierarchy, possibly as an end unto itself, but more likely as a means towards ensuring future aid flows. On the other, countries may adopt gender quotas as a result of successful foreign aid interventions specifically designed to promote women’s empowerment. I test these two causal mechanisms using data on foreign aid commitments to 173 non-OECD countries from 1974 to 2012. The results suggest that while programmes targeting women’s empowerment may have some influence on quota adoption, developing countries dependent on United States foreign aid are also likely to use gender quotas as signalling devices rather than as a result of ongoing liberalization efforts.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13510347.2016.1278209",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Ekwueme, E.",2022,"Modulating Corruption and Money laundering Through the Brettonwoods Institutions: The Case of Less Developed Countries (LDCs)","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",25,2,"467-480","Purpose–The purpose of this paper is to readily bring to the fore, the vital dimension that theBretton Woods Institutions, exemplified by both the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and theWorld Bank, has brought into the global economic template to dampen the momentum of corruptionand money laundering through the impact of their activities in less developed countries (LDCs). Theoriginal mandate of the two institutions was to address the balance of payments and developmentalissues of countries as a result of the devastating effects of the Second World War. However, thiscould not be achieved in an atmosphere engulfed with corruption and money laundering. As aresult, it became necessary for them to intervene albeit through direct or indirect mechanismsdemonstrated by the use of soft law bodies such as Basel Committee on Banking Supervisors (BCBS)and Financial Action Task Force (FATF).Design/methodology/approach–This paper relies on primary legal documentations such as BCBS,FATF, articles of both IMF and World Bank to mention but a few in the analysis. The paper is doctrinal.Findings–There is undoubtedly glaring indications that through the efforts of both IMF and the Bank,tremendous inroad has been made in LDCs in modulating the tempo of the malaise.Research limitations/implications–This paper is addressed to the authorities that are concernedabout the scourge of the malaise and the impact to pay more attention to the mechanisms of soft laws used bythe Bretton Woods Institutions to get their anti-corruption message through in LDCs.Originality/value–This lies on the fact that the efforts of both IMF and the Bank have awakened theimportance that should be attached to some soft laws in curtailing the issues.","The World Bank and IMF play an important role in enforcing FATF recommendations ","https://doi.org/10.1108/JMLC-03-2021-0026",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x","x","x"]
["Ferreira de Almeida, C.O.",2015,"International Tax Cooperation, Taxpayers' Rights and Bank Secrecy: Brazilian Difficulties to Fit Global Standards","Law and Business Review of the Americas",null,null,21,3,"217-240","RECENT developments in international tax cooperation reveal it\nto be one of the most crucial topics at the beginning of this cen-\ntury.1 Not only international organizations, but also individual\ncountries have constantly been discussing this theme to tackle harmful\ntax competition effectively.2 As a result, transparency and the exchange\nof tax information have been valued too highly as relevant issues in the\ncooperative approach.\nNevertheless, obtaining cross-border information might not be an easy\ntask. Barriers like domestic laws, uncertainty over administrative proce-\ndures, and a cultural tendency towards secrecy in some societies could\nthreaten the flow of information.3\nIn this sense, bank secrecy becomes a major obstacle for tax authori-\nties. The way in which some countries tend towards a broader openness\nwhilst others stringently protect bank secrecy is intriguing. As a result of\nthis situation, there is some uncertainty about how efficiently a state\ncould comply with an exchange of information request.4\nUntil recently, the internationally agreed upon standard for trans-\nparency was the exchange of tax information upon request.5 But members of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development\n(OECD) have been encouraging a movement to change that standard to\none of automatic information exchange independent of recurrent tax\navoidance, evasion or fraud cases, and this could clash with taxpayers'\nfundamental rights.6\nSince 1998, tax cooperation has definitely been included on the OECD\nagenda.7 At that time-and on the basis that globalization prevents\ncountries from individually controlling the tax effects of cross-border\ntransactions-the OECD released both a Report on Harmful Tax Prac-\ntices, urging members and non-members to intensify their cooperation,\nthrough recommendations on domestic legislation, tax treaties and coor-\ndinated programs of tax cooperation; and a Multilateral Convention on\nMutual Administrative Assistance in Tax Matters, as an effective means\nto combat tax fraud.8\nBut the OECD is not alone in these efforts. The European Union\n(EU) has also enacted rules against privacy both inside its frontiers and in\nthe relations of its member states with third-party countries.9 On this\ntrack, intensive debates led the EU Commission to issue an Action Plan\nin December 2012 aiming to more effectively combat tax evasion and\navoidance.10 From now on, a new global standard for transparency is be-\ning set, one that is capable of providing rapid answers to tax authorities.\nAccordingly, the current standard based on information exchange upon\nrequest is being replaced by the automatic model.","Brazilian tax policy is moving towards openess, But doubts arise about the possibility of the Brazilian tax administration systematically and periodically sending taxpayers' data to another\njurisdiction, as required by the international standards for the automatic\nexchange of information due to domestic consitutational Law.","https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra/vol21/iss3/2",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x"]
["Fraser, E.",2011,"Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) And Aid","Helpdesk Report,",null,"Governance and Social Development Resource Centre (GSDRC)",{"$nulls":3},"This helpdesk report explores strategies that have been tried by development agencies (government and NGO) to secure and protect the rights of LGBT people, particularly in Africa","Key findings are: Action on HIV/AIDS: Donor and NGO concerns about sexuality can be traced back to the\nHIV/AIDS epidemic. Concern about the links between health and economic, social and political vulnerability opened up spaces to talk about the human rights of people marginalised\nby their sexuality (Khanna, 2011). However, the ‗re-medicalisation‘ of HIV/AIDS programming and associated focus on risk has raised concerns that the programming focus is shifting away\nfrom LGBT rights to access to drugs. It has also meant that while male homosexuality is seen as a legitimate concern, lesbian and bisexual women‘s rights have benefited much less from\nthese interventions. Legal change: At an international level, governments and NGOs have lobbied hard over the\nlast decade for LGBT rights to be considered as fundamental human rights.Supporting LGBT rights in Africa: Several development agencies have provided technical assistance and support to lawyers taking on LGBT cases and activists providing emergency responses, as well as workshops on monitoring and documenting human rights abuses. Funding support for CSO advocacy on LGBT issues is an increasingly important element of many donors‘ human rights strategies, as there is evidence that these organisations often\nhave detailed knowledge, rooted in local realities, of discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity or expression. Development assistance programming (health, poverty reduction, gender, social inclusion etc) is another entry point for securing and protecting LGBT rights. To date, there is little evidence available on what strategies have been most effective in integrating LGBT rights into\ndevelopment work or what lessons have been learned. Aid conditionality tied to LGBT rights has been tried by several donors, for example in\nMalawi, but early evidence suggests that tying bilateral aid to LGBT rights can lead to an antiLGBT backlash: inflaming homophobia, leading to scapegoating of LGBT persons, and\npotentially endangering LGBT communities, especially in African countries. Critics also argue that it is unworkable on a pragmatic level when African states know they can get aid\nfrom a stringless source, China.","http://www.gsdrc.org/docs/open/hdq769.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Gadinis, S.",2015,"Three Pathways to Global Standards: Private, Regulator, And Ministry Networks","American Journal of International Law",null,null,109,1,20821,"The proliferation of international standards has triggered heated debates in recent years. From human rights to environmental protection, from the Internet to financial derivatives, from antitrust to missile technology, international standards govern some of the most important issues of our day. These standards are not legally binding, but scores of governments around the world have incorporated them wholesale in their national legal orders. The drafters of these standards are not political leaders, formal government representatives, or international organizations, but rather informal committees of ministry officials, regulators, or private experts. Labeled transnational regulatory networks, these informal bodies have puzzled legal scholars and international relations theorists. Why do states adopt these standards instead of producing their own laws? How do these new global standard setters come about, and what are their goals? Addressing these questions has been the source of both “euphoria” and “anxiety,” as a leading commentator has recognized.","This study provides a step-by-step analysis of the mechanisms of network standard setting, starting with network participants and their domestic powers to pass new laws or regulations. Private networks, Regulator networks,Ministry networks are a vehicle for Internation policy coordination ","https://doi.org/10.5305/amerjintelaw.109.1.0001",null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x","x","x","x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x"]
["Godzisz, P. & Mole, R.",2022,"To Geneva and Back: Externalising Anti-LGBT Hate Crime as A Policy Issue","The International Journal of Human Rights",{"$nulls":5},"How and why states legislate against hate crime and what role various actors – including human rights movements and international bodies – play in enacting change is attracting\nincreased scholarly interest. Drawing upon primary, mixedmethods\nresearch, with Poland as our case study, this paper seeks to understand how new transnational advocacy opportunities change the way local activists push for improved legal protection from anti-LGBT violence. Using Keck and Sikkink’s (1998) ‘boomerang’ model as our interpretative frame, we observe how Polish LGBT groups systematically work with intersectional and transnational networks to feed their grievances to international human rights institutions, which, in turn, apply pressure on the government to amend hate crime laws. We argue that such externalisation of hate crime as a policy issue is a result of the closing of political opportunity structures at home and the\nsimultaneous appearance of advocacy opportunities abroad\nalong with increased resources being made available to the LGBT\nmovement. While the state still hesitates to change the law, there\nare signs that calls for a new approach to addressing hate crime,\npromoted by activists and international organisations, are increasingly being heard by bureaucrats in Warsaw, even if there is currently no political will to make any changes.","Polish LGBT groups have externalised hate crime as a policy issue, working with advocacy networks to feed their grievances to UN bodies, which, in turn, apply pressure on the government to improve protection\nfrom anti-LGBT violence. This\nresearch finds that the government takes a different stance towards recommendations (and legislative proposals) on hate crime compared with those on same-sex unions,\nappearing more amenable to the former. Activists in Poland have\nsecured a political commitment from the government but failed to secure the amendment of hate crime laws. However, the analysis suggests that, while laws are yet to be changed, the international concept of hate crime, promoted by activists and IGOs, is gaining traction in Poland. However, there are also risks in this approach: externalisation as an advocacy tool is prone to criticism around sovereignty\nand undermining the national interest by painting a negative picture of the state\nabroad. Human rights defenders in Poland are increasingly accused by illiberal\npoliticians, anti-gender campaigners and government-sponsored media of a lack of\nobjectivity, unclear intentions, or even downright treason. ","https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13642987.2022.2153121",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"Poland","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Gordon, R.K.",2011,"Losing The War Against Dirty Money: Rethinking Global Standards On preventing Money Laundering and Terrorism Financing","Duke Journal of Comparative & International Law",null,null,21,3,"503-566","Following a brief overview in Part I.A of the overall system to prevent money laundering, Part I.B describes the role of the private sector, which is to identify customers, create a profile of their legitimate activities, keep detailed records of clients and their transactions, monitor their transactions to see if they conform to their profile, examine further any unusual transactions, and report to the government any suspicious transactions. Part I.C continues the description of the preventive measures system by describing the government's role, which is to assist the private sector in identifying suspicious transactions, ensure compliance with the preventive measures requirements, and analyze suspicious transaction reports to determine those that should be investigated.\n\nParts I.D and I.E examine the effectiveness of this system. Part I.D discusses successes and failures in the private sector's role. Borrowing from theory concerning the effectiveness of private sector unfunded mandates, this Part reviews why many aspects of the system are failing, focusing on the subjectivity of the mandate, the disincentives to comply, and the lack of comprehensive data on client identification and transactions. It notes that the system includes an inherent contradiction: the public sector is tasked with informing the private sector how best to detect launderers and terrorists, but to do so could act as a road map on how to avoid detection should such information fall into the wrong hands. Part I.D discusses how financial institutions do not and cannot use scientifically tested statistical means to determine if a particular client or set of transactions is more likely than others to indicate criminal activity. Part I.D then turns to a discussion of a few issues regarding the impact the system has but that are not related to effectiveness, followed by a summary and analysis of how flaws might be addressed.\n\nPart I.E continues by discussing the successes and failures in the public sector's role. It reviews why the system is failing, focusing on the lack of assistance to the private sector in and the lack of necessary data on client identification and transactions. It also discusses how financial intelligence units, like financial institutions, do not and cannot use scientifically tested statistical means to determine probabilities of criminal activity. Part I concludes with a summary and analysis tying both private and public roles together.\n\nPart II then turns to a review of certain current techniques for selecting income tax returns for audit. After an overview of the system, Part II first discusses the limited role of the private sector in providing tax administrators with information, comparing this to the far greater role the private sector plays in implementing preventive measures. Next, this Part turns to consider how tax administrators, particularly the U.S. Internal Revenue Service, select taxpayers for audit, comparing this to the role of both the private and public sectors in implementing preventive measures. It focuses on how some tax administrations use scientifically tested statistical means to determine probabilities of tax evasion. Part II then suggests how flaws in both private and public roles of implementing money laundering and terrorism financing preventive measures might be theoretically addressed by borrowing from the experience of tax administration. Part II concludes with a short summary and analysis that relates these conclusions to the preventive measures system.\n\nReferring to the analyses in Parts I and II, Part III suggests changes to the current preventive measures standard. It suggests that financial intelligence units should be uniquely tasked with analyzing and selecting clients and transactions for further investigation for money laundering and terrorism financing. The private sector's role should be restricted to identifying customers, creating an initial profile of their legitimate activities, and reporting such information and all client transactions to financial intelligence units.","Private sector plays an important role in preventing money laundering through customer due dillgence","https://scholarship.law.duke.edu/djcil/vol21/iss3/2",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Goredema, C. & Montsi, F.",2002,"Towards Effective Control of Money Laundering in Southern Africa","African Security Studies",null,null,11,1,"2023-05-15","Money laundering, as both a manifestation and a facilitator of organised crime, has attracted increasing interest since the late 1980s. The resolve to control it has yielded a number of initiatives in many parts of the world. The formation of the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering in 1989 is a prominent example. In its wake, countries in eastern and southern Africa founded the Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group (ESMLG) in 1999. Members of the group have pledged to adopt and implement measures against money laundering. This article explores the practical implications of implementing such measures in Southern Africa against the background of certain challenges and realities. It is based on a survey of the nine Southern African members of the ESAAMLG.","Implementation of International money laundering standards lags behing in southern Africa","https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2002.9627776",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x",{"$nulls":14},"Regional "]
["Gray, M. M., Kittilson, M. C. & Sandholtz, W.",2006,"Women and globalization: A study of 180 countries, 1975-2000",{"$nulls":3},60,2,"293-333","How do rising levels of international interconnectedness affect social, economic, and political conditions for women? Research on gender and international relations frequently offers clear propositions but seldom submits them to broad, quantitative testing. This article begins to fill that gap. We advance the hypothesis that, on balance and over time, increasing cross-national exchange and communication lead to improvements in women's status and equality. Economic aspects of globalization can bring new opportunities and resources to women. But equally important, globalization promotes the diffusion of ideas and norms of equality for women. In an analysis of 180 countries from 1975 to 2000, employing cross-sectional–time-series regression techniques, we examine the impact of several measures of globalization on women's levels of life expectancy, literacy, and participation in the economy and parliamentary office. International trade, foreign direct investment, membership in the United Nations (UN) and World Bank, and ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), are associated with improved conditions for women.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/abs/women-and-globalization-a-study-of-180-countries-19752000/45A5D63678C7355822C24D20357365A6",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,"x","x"]
["Großklaus, M.",2015,"Appropriation And the Dualism Of human Rights: Understanding The contradictory Impact of Gender norms In Nigeria","Third World Quarterly",null,null,36,6,"1253-1267","This paper conceptualises appropriation as an analytical tool to capture the contradictory nature of human rights localisation. Here appropriation is understood as the intentional reinterpretation of ideas across cultural, spatial and temporal contexts aimed at definitional power. In the first part of the paper I lay out the concept and develop an operationalisation. In the second part I apply the framework to the case of contested gender reform in Nigeria. The analysis highlights the localisation of human rights norms as an amalgam of different competing appropriating acts, leading to a hybrid and contradictory outcome that bears both transformative and stabilising potential.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01436597.2015.1047206?scroll=top&needAccess=true&role=tab",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Nigeria","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Haider, H.",2017,"Changing Gender and Social Norms, Attitudes and Behaviours",null,"Brighton UK","Institute of Development Studies",{"$nulls":3},"Social norms are informal rules and shared social expectations that shape individual attitudes and behaviour (Arias, 2015; Marcus and Harper, 2015). Gender norms are social norms that relate specifically to gender differences. A common gender norm, for example, is that women and girls will and should do the majority of domestic work (Marcus and Harper, 2015). This helpdesk report presents studies of programmes that aim to bring about changes in gender and social norms, and changes in wider attitudes and behaviours. Much of the literature and some programme designs recognise the need to change social norms in order to change behaviours, such as HIV/AIDs prevention and better sanitation and hygiene.",null,"https://gsdrc.org/publications/changing-gender-social-norms-attitudes-behaviours/",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Halliday, T., Levi, M. & Reuter, P.",2014,"Global Surveillance of Dirty Money: Assessing Assessments of Regimes to Control Money-Laundering and Combat the Financing of Terrorism  ",null,"Illinois","Centre on Law & Globalization",{"$nulls":3},"The International Monetary Fund’s (IMF, Fund) program on Anti-Money Laundering and Combating the Financing of Terrorism (AML/CFT) has been integrally involved in the global system for AML/CFT in coordination with other key players, particularly the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). AML/CFT assessments, whether by the Fund or other assessor bodies,contribute to the key Fund activities of surveillance, financial support and technical assistancein support of domestic and international financial stability. These evaluations are taken seriously by both assessors and assessed.It is timely to evaluate the IMF’s involvement in the AML/CFT system and to reconsider relevant aspects of the FATF standards, methodologies and practices more generally.  The Center on Law and Globalization (CLG) obtained agreement from the IMF to conduct an independent critical analysis of IMF Reports on the Observance of Standards and Codes (ROSCs)1 during the 3rd round2 with the intent that the appraisal of past practices might inform advances in IMF and FATF methodologies and practices. Findings of the study are based on extensive interviews at the IMF and the FATF, detailed analysis of documents, close examination of four IMF assessments, site visits to three countries, and review of related literatures.","IMF has contributed significantly to efforts that will improve the standards and methodology for assessing AML/CFT systems worldwide. The AML/CFT system confronts the seemingly intractable problems of all international institutions that seek to promulgate global standards to be adopted by countries whose circumstances vary enormously. The IMF confronts this problem with its twelve ROSCs and their respective standards and assessments. ","https://orca.cardiff.ac.uk/id/eprint/88168/1/Report_Global%20Surveillance%20of%20Dirty%20Money%201.30.2014.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x","x","x"]
["Hallward-Driemeier, M., Hasan, T., & Rusu, A. B.",2013,"Women's Legal Rights Over 50 Years: Progress, Stagnation or Regression?",null,"Washington DC","World Bank",{"$nulls":3},"Using a newly compiled database of women's property rights and legal capacity covering 100 countries over 50 years, this paper analyzes the triggers and barriers to reform. The database documents gender gaps in the ability to access and own assets, to sign legal documents in one's own name, and to have equality or non-discrimination as a guiding principle of the country's constitution. Progress in reducing these constraints has been dramatic -- half of the constraints documented in the 1960s had been removed by 2010. However, some sticky areas persist where laws have not changed or have even regressed. The paper analyzes potential drivers of reforms. A significant finding is that the relationship with a country's level of development and the extent of its reforms is not straightforward. For the first half of the sample, there was no systematic connection; only in the last 25 years have increases in income been associated with higher probabilities for reform, but only in lower-income countries. With the remaining constraints as prevalent in middle- as low-income countries, increased growth is not necessarily going to spark additional reforms. Clearer patterns emerge from the momentum created by international conventions, such as the Committee to Eliminate All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), women's political representation at the national level, mobilization of women's networks, and increasing labor force participation in sectors that provide a voice for women, which are positive forces for change. Conversely, conflict and weak rule of law can entrench a discriminatory status quo. And much is at stake; strengthening women's legal rights is associated with important development outcomes that can benefit society as a whole.",null,"https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/21474",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x","x","x","x","x"]
["Hasni, L., & Suryani, A.",2018,"Legal Protection for Women Domestic Workers Based on The International Convention","Journal of Legal, Ethical and Regulatory Issues",null,null,21,2,"1-7","The purpose of this research is to know the legal protection for woman domestic workers regulated in fundamental international law on the protection of women. The results of this research are identified that the legal protection of woman domestic workers rights is consistent with International convention. According to Convention Decent work for domestic workers, minimum standard by the convention are basic rights of domestic worker, information on terms and conditions of employment, hours of work, remuneration, occupational safety and health, social security, standards concerning child domestic workers, standards concerning live-in workers, standards concerning migrant domestic workers, private employment agency measures to be put in place, dispute settlement, complaints and enforcement. In addition, Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) contains the obligation to eliminate all forms of discrimination against women in the field of economy and employment.","The research can be concluded that the form of legal protection of women's rights as domestic workers according to international convention based on the Convention Decent work for domestic workers defined as the minimum standard by the convention is basic rights of domestic worker, information on terms and conditions of employment, hours of work, remuneration, occupational safety and health, social security, standards concerning child domestic workers, standards concerning live-in workers, standards concerning migrant domestic workers, private employment agencies is measures to be put in place, dispute settlement , complaints and enforcemen","https://www.proquest.com/openview/780d3215d40d1c757ac619655b721ed1/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=38868 ",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Haste, P., Overs, C. & Mills, E.",2016,"Avenues For Donors to Promote Sexuality and Gender Justice'","IDS Policy Briefing",null,"Institute of Development Studies (IDS)",null,120,null,"Until recently sexual and gender justice, including LGBT rights, were a low priority for international development actors. LGBT issues were historically situated within the international human rights focus of development agencies in the United States and Europe. Furthermore, HIV/AIDS programming was adapted to address LGBT issues, by ensuring that programmes catered for MSM and transgender woman. However, neither the health nor human rights approaches to LGBT rights considered wider issues of economic inequality faced by LGBT individuals. There has been a shift towards a broader approach to addressing the economic and social rights of LGBT persons. It is acknowledged that the conditions in which sexual and gender minorities work or study places them at a disadvantage which undermines the economic progress and stability of the countries in which they reside.\nSida, DFID (now FCDO) and the Canadian International development agency (CIDA), the Australian agency for International Development (AUS Aid) and USAID have integrated LGBT rights into their policy and strategy documents. Similarly large philanthropic organisations, such as the Open Society Foundation and the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, provide funds directly to LGBT organisations in countries where reforms are needed. United Nations organisations also fund programmes that address LGBT rights, for example UNESCO funds a large-scale programme which reduces homophobic bullying in schools. However, there are other development agencies which make little or no mention of LGBT issues in the official documents but support LGBT-related work through a rights-based approach. In this situation, LGBT rights are not viewed as an outcome but are incorporated into a process which ensures that international aid leaves no one behind. For example, the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) incorporates LGBT issues into a wider perspective on gender equality and social justice. In general, there is a gap between the commitment to LGBT rights and the programme funding for it among most international development agencies. Good practice guides and toolkits are emerging.The following obstacles for furthering programmes targeting LGBT rights were identified:\n• The LGBT acronym conflates issues in an unhelpful way for programming staff. It undermines the diversity between the groups that are broadly identified as LGBT and leads to a “one size fits all” approach to development programming.\n• Donor agency staff have limited knowledge of the deeper issues relating to sexual orientation and gender identity and are not always able to integrate these issues into programmes relating to education, agriculture or social protection. In addition, there is homophobia at all levels among agency staff who are hostile to the LGBT rights agenda and unwilling to engage with issues. Better policies and training for staff may address such prejudice.\n• There is inadequate data and indicators for assessing the impact of discrimination on LGBT individuals. Such data gaps make it difficult to incorporate LGBT rights into programme design. Moreover, concerns about tackling controversial issues may deter international development agency staff from engaging with these issues.\n• LGBT rights are still not fully recognised as a development priority.","Historically, the primary interface of international development agencies and non-conforming sexuality and gender has been the prevention and treatment of HIV among men who have sex with men and transwomen who have sex with men. But this approach does\nnot address wider issues of economic\ninequality that are bound up with\nLGBT rights.  donor engagement\nhas moved from focusing almost\nexclusively on men’s health, which\ninvolves a limited reach, to a much\nbroader approach to advancing\neconomic and social rights and\nattaining broader development goals","https://opendocs.ids.ac.uk/opendocs/handle/20.500.12413/11640",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Hawkins, K.",2015,"Streams Of Influence: Understanding Our Influence on Gender, Power and Sexuality",null,"Brighton UK","Institute of Development Studies",{"$nulls":3},"Streams of Influence tells the story of how the Gender, Power and Sexuality Programme that sought to bring about positive changes on gender equality imagined and then experienced the process of influencing. The report seeks to present a reflective and self-critical assessment.",null,"https://www.ids.ac.uk/publications/streams-of-influence-understanding-our-influence-on-gender-power-and-sexuality/",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Heidi, H. ",2017,"The Power of Mixed Messages: Women, Peace, And Security Language in National Action Plans from Africa (Maybe)","Africa Spectrum",null,null,53,3,"3-29","Against the backdrop of global and continental women, peace, and security discourses, this contribution analyses the gender and women-focused language of national action plans from four African countries (Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Uganda), which were drafted with a view to United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325. I argue that national action plans have the potential to transcend the soft-consensus language of Security Council resolutions because they create new spaces for feminist engagement with policy and practice. The analysis reveals three discursive themes – namely, the making of “womenandchildren,” women civilising war, and making women responsible for preventing gender-based violence. The themes relate to the construction of, respectively, gender(ed) identities, security, and violence. To varying degrees, the plans reflect a combination of predominantly liberal-feminist language interspersed with some examples of critical insight. I conclude that the ambiguous nature of the messages sent out by these plans serves as a reminder that discourses are fragmented and therefore offer an opening for nuanced contextual analyses and implementation.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/000203971705200301",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x"]
["Heilmann, S. & Schulte-Kulkmann, N.",2011,"The Limits of Policy Diffusion: Introducing international Norms of Anti-Money Laundering into China’s Legal System","Governance",null,null,24,4,"639-664","This article examines the contribution of policy diffusion to create a regu-latory system against money laundering in China. A two-level analysis oftransnational interactions and domestic law making shows how Commu-nist Party prerogatives shape the insertion of multilateral norms into thelegal system. In a contentious process of local accommodation, transnation-ally engaged technocratic bodies, turf-conscious bureaucracies, and power-ful party organs struggle to reconcile the goals of promoting globaleconomic expansion, gaining international recognition, and absorbinginnovative regulatory tools while preserving tight domestic control. Ineffect, Chinese policymakers try to utilize policy diffusion as a mechanismfor negotiating and promoting the nation’s global rise. Yet, when it comesto implementation, global regulatory standards are weakened or even neu-tralized through discretionary enforcement. The depth and robustness ofnormative assimilation therefore remain uncertain.","China adopted FATF because of international and domestic pressure","https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0491.2011.01543.x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x","x","x",{"$nulls":10},"x",null,"Big boys club"]
["Hinterseer, K.",2001,"The Wolfsberg Anti-Money Laundering Principle","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,null,5,1,"25-41","On 30th October, 2000, a new initiative to combat money laundering was unveiled. What differentiates this initiative from many of the existing initiatives is that it has been put forward by the private sector. Eleven banks signed a set of principles known as the Wolfsberg Anti‐Money Laundering Principles (the ‘Wolfsberg Principles’). The Wolfsberg Principles are a non‐binding set of best practice guidelines governing the establishment and maintenance of relationships between private bankers and clients. Over the past decade much has been written about money laundering, the problems it creates for the economic, political and social institutions of countries, and the need to combat the phenomenon. Most initiatives to date have been public sector led by governments and their regulatory and law enforcement agencies, or by government representatives acting through international forms such as the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and the Basel Committee of Bank Supervisors. Consequently, most initiatives have focused on enacting new criminal laws, implementing reporting requirements, and developing codes of best practice. The fact that the private sector has taken the initiative to establish the Wolfsberg Principles is therefore worthy of closer analysis. As Dr Peter Eigen, the Chairman of Transparency International, observed on the release of the Wolfsberg Principles, ‘This is a unique event — few would expect the leading anti‐corruption organisation and the leading banks to be standing on the same platform’. The following article examines the Wolfsberg Principles in order to identify the various strengths and weaknesses of each. First, however, it is worth noting in brief the background to the Wolfsberg Principles and the regulatory paradigm within which they are to operate.","The principles focus on monitoring client activity and collecting information in order to be in a better position to identify suspicious activity with banks reputation at stake","https://doi.org/10.1108/eb027291",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Holder, W.E.",2003,"The International Monetary Fund's Involvement In combating Money Laundering and the Financing of Terrorism","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,null,6,4,"383-387","Traces how the role of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) in money laundering/combating terrorist financing has developed, its competence and the instruments it uses. Explores its interactions with the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), especially the quest for a “comprehensive common methodology” with the FATF as standard bearer. Explains its surveillance function, which involves intensive exchange with each member country on its economic and financial system ‐ for instance, whether is unsustainable external debt, and hazards of capital movements. Outlines three specific IMF initiatives: the Financial Sector Assessment Program, the Reports on Observance of Standards and Codes, and the Offshore Financial Center assessments. Concludes that the IMF’s involvement in anti‐money laundering has been fast, intensive and important for its members.","The IMF involvement in AML/CFT has been fast-moving, intensive, and consequential for the inter-national community.  AML/CFT elements have per-meated its work programme. , countrytransparency has increased markedly, through thepublication of country.\nnational beha-viour change, essentially voluntary and collaborative,especially by the acceptance of AML/CFT as a matterof international concern, the identi®cation of aninternational standard for AML/CFT, and the generalsubmission to external assessment assessment","https://doi.org/10.1108/13685200310809716",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x"]
["Holmes, G.",2019,"Situating Agency, Embodied Practices and Norm Implementation in Peacekeeping Training (Maybe)","International Peacekeeping",null,null,26,1,"55-84","Applying a Bourdieusian feminist practice theory approach to the study of norm implementation, this article introduces a fourth level of analysis, the embodied subject who is expected to be governed by peacekeeping norms. It does so by examining the training experiences of Rwandan tactical-level female military peacekeepers deployed in mix-gender contingents to UNAMID. It is argued that the pre-deployment training space is a field of norm contestation and negotiation, wherein gendered peacekeeper subject positions and gendered peacekeeping labouring practices are constructed and performed. The research findings suggest that by partially complying with the UN’s gender mainstreaming norms, the Rwanda Defence Force strengthens the military’s gender protection norms and establishes the sexual division of labour of the mission area. Trained to perform a scripted Rwandan female subject position, some women find they are not adequately prepared for the more challenging situations they find themselves in when working in multi-dimensional peacekeeping operations and devise alternative, informal training practices to better equip themselves prior to deployment. The case study draws on 65 depth-interviews with Rwandan military personnel, trainers and external consultants and non-participatory observations of field exercises",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13533312.2018.1503934?journalCode=finp20",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Rwanda",null,"x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x",null,null,"x"]
["Holtmaat, R. & Post, P.",2015,"Enhancing LGBTI Rights by Changing the Interpretation of The Convention on The Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women","Nordic Journal of Human Rights",null,null,33,4,"319-336","At first sight, it seems clear that the Convention on the Eliminationof All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) aims toeliminate discrimination against (only)women. However, a legalanalysis of the object and purpose of the Convention reveals thatCEDAW, in particular article 5a (which requires modification of‘cultural patterns of conduct’), could be instrumental in addressingat least some aspects of LGBTI rights. Nevertheless, an analysis ofConcluding Observations adopted by the Committee since 2010reveals that the Committee, the body entrusted both withmonitoring the implementation of the Convention and acting asits principal interpreter, does not yet use the possibility offeredunder article 5a to interpret the Convention in such a way. Thisarticle argues that the most realistic (albeit slow) way to enhanceLGBTI rights within the framework of the CEDAW Conventionseems to be to encourage state parties and non-governmentalorganisations to include discussions of discrimination againstLGBTI persons in their Country Reports and Shadow Reports tothe Committee, thereby inviting the Committee to reflect onLGBTI discrimination.","From a legal point of view, it is possible to interpret the Convention in such a way that the discrimination and violence against LGTBI persons is brought within its scope. The analysis of the existing jurisprudence of the Committee shows that this possibility has not yet beenfully utilised. LGBTI rarely mentioned in all categories of Committee documents, and only in one third of Concluding Observations. he Committee,however, continues its cautious approach and has so far refused to take a clear stanceon the question of whether the discrimination ground‘sex’in the Convention includesall identities captured under the LGBTI initialism. This notwithstanding, the Committeehas at the same time gradually expanded the protection to lesbian, transgender, transsex-ual and intersexual persons by means of frequent references to discrimination or violenceon these grounds. While many of these references are formulaic recitations rather thanspecific recommendations, there were a few concrete recommendations. Examples show that show that the Convention, to an increasing extent, is applied by the Committee to provide protection for women who are discriminated against because of their sexuality or gender identity. On the question of whether it is desirable and/or feasible toenhance the human rights of LGBTI persons by means of an extensive interpretation ofCEDAW, we tend to be rather cautious. CEDAW does, in theory, offer some possibilitiesto do so. But the end result of such a strategy might be contra productive or regressive,both in terms of the rights of women and those of LGBTI persons. A step-by-step recog-nition by the CEDAW Committee that there is a crucial connection between gender dis-crimination and discrimination of LGBTI persons seems to be the best way forward.","https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/18918131.2016.1123502",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Horst, C.",2017,"Implementing The Women, Peace and Security Agenda? Somali Debates on Women’s Public Roles and Political Participation","Journal of East African Studies",null,null,11,3,"389-407","In conflict and post-conflict settings, the international community operates with the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda supporting gender equality. During and after war, gender roles are often deeply contested as part of larger societal transformations and uncertainties. In Somalia since the 1960s, gender identities and roles have undergone substantial changes, influenced by contemporary political systems, the women’s movement, civil war and religious transformations. The international community’s role in these societal transformations should not be over-estimated. Life history research with Somali women shows that debates on women’s roles in the public sphere are taking place irrespective of the international agenda. Somali women have, at least since the 1960s, held civil-political leadership positions, despite substantial disagreements on the public role of women in Somalia. Furthermore, the “international” and “local” are difficult to disentangle. The Somali female elite have often spent years abroad and introduced new gender perspectives from places as divergent as Egypt, Russia and the United States. Global cultural and religious trends are influencing post-war Somalia, Somaliland and Puntland. In this complex socio-cultural landscape, the international WPS agenda can support – but also risk delegitimizing – Somali processes and perspectives. The article illustrates the gap that exists between global norms and local realities by focusing on Somali discourse on women’s public roles and political participation.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/17531055.2017.1348000",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":7},"Somalia","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Huang, C-L.",2015,"Gender Quotas in Taiwan: The Impact of Global Diffusion",{"$nulls":3},11,1,"207 - 217","Two things distinguish Taiwan from other Asian countries regarding women's political representation: a high level of female political representation by Asian standards and an early implementation of quotas by global standards. Women constitute 33.6% in the country's parliament, second in Asia only to East Timor (38.5%). Taiwan has also achieved a higher level of women's parliamentary representation than Japan (8.1%), South Korea (15.7%), and Singapore (23%). Unlike other young democracies that adopted gender quotas in the 1990s or even later, Taiwan has had reserved seats for women since the early 1950s when the country was under authoritarian rule. Quota reforms were later instigated subsequent to Taiwan's democratization.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/abs/gender-quotas-in-taiwan-the-impact-of-global-diffusion/D68CE71BDB3E3DD51D5576D26444E70B",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":13},"Taiwan",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x","x"]
["Hughes, M.M., Krook, M.L., & Paxton, P.",2015,"Transnational Women's Activism and The Global Diffusion of Gender Quotas","International Studies Quarterly",null,null,59,2,"357- 372","The rapid global spread of quotas for women constitutes one of the most significant political developments of the last thirty years. It transformed the composition of legislatures worldwide. Yet we lack a solid understanding of the forces driving quota diffusion. In this article, we consider how global pressure from the international women's movement affects national gender quota adoption. In the first quantitative analysis of this question on a global scale, we use event history techniques to examine global, transnational, and national influences on quota adoption in 149 countries between 1989 and 2008. Contributing to work on international norm diffusion, we find a crucial role for women's activism, but uncover a negative interaction between increased global pressures and domestic ties to women's transnational organizing. We suggest global pressure to adopt quotas may be weakened by the diverse agendas of women's activist organizations, by perceived threats to male elites posed by women's agitation, or both.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/isq/article/59/2/357/1792623",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,"x"]
["Hülsse, R.",2007,"Creating Demand for Global Governance: The Making of a Global Money-Laundering Problem","Global Society",null,"Routledge",21,2,"155-178","In most studies on global governance, problems are treated as exogenous factors. Evenconstructivist global governance approaches normally concentrate on persuasionabout global norms and rules, but take the existence of global problems as given. Thisignores the fact that it may be necessary to persuade rule addressees of the existence ofa problem in the first place. States comply with global rules voluntarily only if theyagree that there is a problem. Hence international rule makers have to “problematise”the issue they attempt to regulate, i.e. to construct the issue as a global problem thatrequires global rules in order to be solved. This article inquires into the why and howof “problematisation” by international regulators. To this end it reconstructs how theFinancial Action Task Force (FATF) has turned the issue of money-laundering, whichwas not considered a problem until the late 1980s, into a global problem requiring aglobal solution.","FATF transformed global money laundering into a global problem requiring a global solution","https://doi.org/10.1080/13600820701201731",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x"]
["Hülsse, R.",2008,"Even Clubs Can't Do Without Legitimacy: Why the Anti-Money Laundering Blacklist was Suspended","Regulation & Governance",null,"Blackwell Publishing",2,4,"459-479","This  article  uses  the  case  of  anti-money  laundering  regulation  to  investigate  international  cluborganisations’  efforts  to  secure  compliance  with  their  rules.  As  these  rules  can  hardly  claimmuch  legitimacy,  one  would  expect  that  they  are  complied  with  only  if  the  club  organisa-tion  uses  side-payments  or  coercion.  Indeed,  the  Financial  Action  Task  Force  against  Money-Laundering  (FATF),  the  international  standard  setter  in  that  field,  has  used  blacklisting  toforce  non-members  into  compliance.  But  although  it  had  greatly  improved  compliance,  theblacklist  was  suspended  again  after  a  short  period  of  time.  Why?  This  article  argues  that  thiswas  due  to  allegations  of  the  blacklist  being  illegitimate.  The  FATF  reacted  by  withdrawing  the blacklist and also by engaging in various legitimatory practices, because even club organisationsneed  legitimacy  if  they  want  to  achieve  results.  Only  if  the  rules  are  considered  legitimate,  willthere  be  actual,  and  not  just  formal  compliance.  Hence  this  article  denies  the  existence  ofa  dilemma  between  legitimacy  and  effectiveness  (the  conventional  view),  suggesting  that  onlylegitimate rules can be effective.","FAFT publication of Blacklist was suspended as it ligitamacy was called into question from non-member states. Causing states on the blacklist to formally adpot mesures without domestic follow through. After expanding membership and ligitamising practices complience increased and the NCCT uses softer luangeue to encourge complience as well as welcomeing postive inluences ","https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5991.2008.00046.x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x","x"]
["Hülsse, R. & Kerwer, D.",2007,"Global Standards in Action: Insights from Anti-Money Laundering Regulation","Organization",null,"Sage",14,5,"625–642","As organizations have come under the increasing infl uence of global rules of all sorts, organization scholars have started studying the dynamics of global regulation. The purpose of this article is to identify and evaluate the contribution to this interdisciplinary fi eld by the ‘Stockholm Centre for Organisational Research’. The latter’s key proposition is that while global regulation often consists of voluntary best practice rules it can nevertheless become highly infl uential under certain conditions. We assess how innovative this approach is using as a benchmark the state of the art in another fi eld of relevance to the study of global regulation, i.e. ‘International Relations’. Our discussion is primarily theoretical but we draw on the case of global anti-money laundering regulation to illustrate our arguments and for inspirations of how to further elaborate the approach.","FATF has become an effective standard setter. Members want to be part  of the club, e.g. China","https://doi.org/10.1177/1350508407080311",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x","x","x"]
["Idris, I.",2017,"Implementation Of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 In Libya",null,"Brighton UK","Institute of Development Studies",{"$nulls":3},"The literature on gender equality, development and security suggests that sustainable peace and successful long-term development are linked to gender equality policies (Selimovic & Larsson, 2014: 5). UN Security Council Resolution 1325 (SCR 1325), approved in 2000, reaffirms the important role of women in the prevention and resolution of conflicts, peace-building, and in postconflict reconstruction.1 It calls for equal participation of women in decision-making related to peace processes, protection of women from violence, in particular sexual violence in armed conflict situations, and gender mainstreaming in conflict management and peace building efforts.",null,"https://gsdrc.org/publications/implementation-of-un-security-council-resolution-1325-in-libya/",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":7},"Libya","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x"]
["Inal, T.",2020,"The Role of The European Court of Human Rights in Changing Gender Norms in Turkey: The Case of Women’s Maiden Names","Turkish Studies",null,null,21,4,"425-556","The diffusion of international human rights norms through the enforcement of international human rights law by courts has been explored by both scholars of international relations and international law. Turkey, which has been a state party to most international human rights treaties despite being a major violator of human rights, is the case in this paper. It examines norm diffusion in the area of women’s rights through court action in a patriarchal culture protected and represented by a deeply patriarchal state and judiciary. By looking at the legal processes, domestic and international, through which the issue of the right of Turkish women to keep their maiden names after marriage has gone, this paper argues that norm diffusion through court action can be triggered even in difficult cases such as changing gendered norms and describes the conditions and mechanisms that make these changes more likely.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14683849.2019.1665466",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Turkey",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Ionescu, L.",2010,"The Economics of Fraud and Corruption Risk Management","Geopolitics, History, and International Relations",null,"Addleton Academic Publishers",2,2,"256-261","Overall, throughout this paper, I demonstrate the value and importance of the role of social structure in advancing corruption, the causes and consequences of corruption, the social costs of grand corruption, inter- national cooperation in fighting corruption-related money laundering, the climate of international opinion toward corruption, and the current strategies to deal with money laundering and corruption. I hope this paper makes a significant contribution to evaluating the welfare losses of corruption, the adverse effects of corruption, the transaction costs in corrupt agreements, a close association between bad regulation and corruption, the economic and social consequences of corruption, and the rise to prominence of corruption and money laundering. ","Corruption is related to inequlaity ","https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/economics-fraud-corruption-risk-management/docview/879096630/se-2",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Iqbal, M.J.",2015,"ILO Conventions and Gender Dimensions of Labour Laws in Pakistan","A Research Journal of South Asian Studies",null,null,30,1,"257-271","Like in the other developing countries, women labour force participation rate is rising gradually in Pakistan. Their employment is mostly concentrated in the informal sector, agriculture sector and in the home-based industries. Pakistan is signatory to ILO Conventions 100 and 111. As a result, various efforts were made in the country to make labour laws and policies in line with these conventions. The paper examines country labour laws with an objective to explore whether these are in accordance with the Pakistan’s international commitments. The paper analysis how far various provisions of the labour laws regarding women workers have been able to address the concerns of these two conventions. It also highlights weaknesses of labour laws and suggests means and ways as a way forward for overhauling of these laws, especially, in the context of the scenario after the 18th Constitutional Amendment.","The Constitution of Pakistan guarantees all the commitments made by the country under ILO Conventions 100 and 111. The analysis of the labour policies shows that they actually reflect the spirit of country’s international commitments. Labour Policies, Labour Protection Policy and Labour Inspection Policy, all contain various provisions for promotion of gender balance, protection of the rights of the lady workers, creation of workplace conducive for lady workers, coverage of labour laws to informal and agriculture sectors and extension of social protection to workers of informal sector and self-employed. These policies, however, could not be translated in letter and spirit into laws and programs. An overview of labour laws of Pakistan points out that in general there is no provision in any labour law which goes against Conventions 100 and 111, but at the same time these laws do not contain any single provision indicating equal remuneration for equal value of work for both men and women as committed by Pakistan in Convention 100. Similarly, there is no separate law or any legal provision in any labour law clearly indicating that there is no discrimination in respect of employment and occupation for both sexes","http://csas.edu.pk/images/Journal/cp/17%20Muhammad%20Javaid%20Iqbal_30_1.pdf",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"Pakistan","x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Izugbara, C., Bakare, S., Sebany, M., Boniface, U., Wekesah. F. & Njagi, J. ",2020,"Regional Legal and Policy Instruments for Addressing LGBT Exclusion in Africa","Sexual and Reproductive Health Matters",null,null,28,1,null,"The vulnerability of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) persons in Africa to public health\nand other risks is heightened by their exclusion from socio-economic opportunities and services. We analysed\nexisting regional-level legal and policy instruments and treaties for the opportunities they offer to tackle the\nexclusion of LGBT persons in Africa. We identified seven key living legal and policy instruments, formulated\nand adopted between 1981 and 2018, by the African Union (AU) or its precursor, the Organization of African\nUnity. These treaties and instruments do not only highlight the region’s challenges related to inclusion, most\nof them are binding and enforceable, and all enshrine the responsibility of AU member-states to safeguard\nand ensure the inclusion and protection of citizens, their gender or sexual orientation notwithstanding. The\ninstruments set forth strong and ambitious agendas of inclusion and recognise and affirm the rights of the\nregion’s citizens to sexual and reproductive health (SRH), equality, freedom and opportunities, regardless of\ntheir sexual orientation. Their language is generally universalist and their rejection of discrimination,\ncriminalisation, and denial of socio-economic opportunities and services to the region’s sexual minorities is\nforthright. However, the instruments do not explicitly mention LGBT persons and lack clear and effective\nmechanisms for answerability among member-states. Accountability and commitment among member-states\ntowards these instruments and policies will improve national legal and policy environments and propel\nforward the agenda of LGBT inclusion, SRH and wellbeing in the region.","Seven key regional and policy instruments formulated and endorsed by the AU or OAU between\n1981 and 2017 were identified in this review. These instruments, in different ways, recognise and affirm the rights of all the region’s citizens to equality, freedom, opportunities and health services, regardless of their sexual orientation. They adopt a universalist language that asserts the rights and privileges of all citizens and contain forthright stipulations against discrimination, criminalisation, and denial of social and economic opportunities and services to the region’s sexual\nminorities. A major feature of these instruments, however, is their lack of explicit mention of LGBT persons and the lack of clear mechanism by\nwhich member-states account for their implementation. Further, some states in the region have yet to assent to some of the instruments. By not specifically mentioning LGBT persons, these instruments miss an opportunity to put LGBT issues\nforthrightly on the front-burner of the development agenda in Africa.      The instruments are characterised by\na non-discrimination principle which offer grounds for promoting LGBT access to safe, equitable housing,\nlabour markets, health care and public services.\nThey clearly offer a strong basis for states to adopt and pursue LGBT-specific SRH and development\npolicies. They are, also, to a very large extent, forms of accountability frameworks against which to gauge the performance and commitment\nof African member-states of the AU on the protections of the inalienable rights and freedoms of its LGBT citizens to safe, healthy and inclusive lives.","https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/26410397.2019.1698905?needAccess=true&role=button",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Jackson, J.",2017,"The Financial Action Task Force: An Overview","Congressional Research Service",{"$nulls":5},"The Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering is composedof 35member countries and territories and two regionalorganizations1and was organized to develop and promote policies to combat money laundering and terrorist financing, referred to as anti-money laundering/ combatting the financing of terrorism (AML/CFT) measures.2The FATF relies on a combination of annual self-assessments and periodic mutual evaluations that are completed by a team of FATF experts to provide information and to assess the compliance of its members to the FATF guidelines. FATF has no enforcement capability, but can suspend member countries that fail to comply on a timely basis with its guidelines. For instance, the FATF warned Turkey in early 2013 that its membership would be suspended unless it became more aggressive in criminalizing money laundering. The FATF is housed at the headquarters of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in Paris and occasionally uses some OECD staff, but the FATF is not part of the OECD. The presidency of the FATF is a one-year appointed position, currently held by Mr. Juan Manuel Vega-Serranofrom Spain,who will serve through June 30, 2017, when Mr. SantiagoOtamendiof Argentinawillassume the presidency. At the ministerial meeting in April 2012, the member countries renewed the FATF’s mandate through December 31, 2020.The FATF focuses on six key areas that are intended to reduce the potential for the abuse of financial systems and financial crimes.·FATF Recommendations. The FATF issued its Forty Recommendations to serve as global standards to protect the integrity of the international financial system and enhance international co-operation on AML/CFT by increasing transparency and assisting countries in successfully taking action against the illicit use of their financial system.·High-risk and Non-cooperativeJurisdictions.FATF attempts to identify those countries that are not complying with the FATF recommendations. On the basis of reviews by the International Co-operation Review Group (ICRG), jurisdictions may be publicly identified in one of the two FATF public documentsthat are issued three times a year: 1) FATF’s Public Statementidentifies jurisdictions that have strategic AML/CFT deficiencies and to which counter-measures apply and jurisdictions which have deficiencies but have not made progress in addressing 1The FATF members are Argentina, Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hong Kong, Iceland, India, Ireland, Italy, Japan, Luxembourg, Malaysia, Mexico, Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, People’s Republic of China, Portugal, Russian Federation, Singapore, South Africa, South Korea, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, Turkey, United Kingdom, United States(Israel and Saudi Arabia have observer status); the two international organizations are the European Commission, andthe Gulf Cooperation Council. The following organizations have observer status: Asia/Pacific Group on Money Laundering; Caribbean Financial Action Task Force; Council of Europe Select Committee of Experts on the Evaluation of Anti-Money Laundering Measures; Eastern and Southern Africa Anti-Money Laundering Group; Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering in South America; other international organizations including the African Development Bank; Asia Development Bank; European Central Bank; International Monetary Fund; Organization of American States, Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime; and the World Bank.2To be admitted to the FATF, a country must (1) be fully committed at the political level to implement the 40 recommendations within a reasonable time frame (three years) and to undergo annual self-assessment exercises and two rounds of mutual evaluations; (2) be a full and active member of the relevant FATF-style regional body; (3) be a strategically important country; (4) have already made the laundering of the proceeds of drug trafficking and other serious crimes a criminal offense; and (5) have already made it mandatory for financial institutions to identify their customers and to report unusual or suspicious transactions.\nThe Financial Action TaskForce: An OverviewCongressional Research Service2the deficiencies or have not committed to an action plan to address the deficiencies; and 2) Improving Global AML/CFT Compliance: On-Going Processin which the FATF identifies those jurisdictions that have AFL/CFT deficiencies but have provided a high-level political commitment to address the deficiencies through a plan developed with the FATF. ·Financing of Proliferation.The FATF updated its standards to include measures on the implementation of targeted financial sanctions related to proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.·Mutual Evaluations.The FATF conducts peer reviews of each member on an ongoing basis to assess levels of implementation of the FATF Recommendations, providingan in-depth description and analysis of each country’s system for preventing criminal abuse of the financial system.·Methods and Trends.FATF monitors and updates the constant evolution of the methods used to launder proceeds of criminal activities and finance illicit activities. Recently, FATF surveyed the vulnerability of Hawalas and other similar serviceproviders to money laundering and terrorist financing as a result of their use of non-bank settlement methods. The FATF also surveyed the vulnerabilities and risks of the diamond trade to money laundering, including production, rough diamond sale, cuttingand polishing, jewelry manufacturing and jewelry retailers. ·Corruption.FATF focuses on the linkage between corruption and money laundering, both of which are generally committed to obtain or hide financial gain.","FATF country assessments should  be conducted with a targeted risk based approach aimed at assessing compliance with the AML/CFT standards","https://crsreports.congress.gov/product/details?prodcode=RS21904",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Jacob, S., Scherpereel, J. A., & Adams, M.",2013,"Gender Norms and Women's Political Representation: A Global Analysis of Cabinets, 1979–2009","Governance, An International Journal of Policy, Administration and Institution",null,null,27,2,"321-345","What role does the international diffusion of gender norms play in determining recent increases in women's political representation? We argue that norm diffusion has larger positive effects on women's cabinet representation than on women's legislative representation. We also show that within cabinets, norm diffusion affects low-prestige appointments more than high-prestige appointments. We test these arguments using an original database of ministers from 1979 to 2009 and find that the association of women's representation with three separate indicators of international diffusion—levels of women's representation among neighboring states, levels of women's representation among intergovernmental organization partners, and time since ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women—is consistent with our arguments.",null,"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/gove.12044?casa_token=z44bX2cg1kgAAAAA:S5iN_RjwqXtQVCvxePqtC34DFawauEqOz5WnzuEY3FxUY-eXS8c8Bz2Z7q-jKlpfQmeZgC_BzxJnrg",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x"]
["Jaffri, A.A., Sana, M., & Asjed, R.",2015,"Impact Of Globalization on Gender Inequality in The Labour Market of Pakistan","Pakistan Economic and Social Review",null,null,53,1,"1-16","This study investigates the impact of Foreign Direct Investment (.FDI) and Trade Openness (TO) on gender-based Labour Force Participation Rate Difference (LFPRD) and Wage Ratio (WR) in Pakistan. Using time series data (1982-2012), OLS and ARDL approach to cointegration are applied. The results indicate that FDI positively affects LFPRD and WR whereas openness is found negatively affecting LFPRD. To make certain the validity of results, all standard diagnostic tests related to error term, coefficients and model specification are applied. Further, results of the study are supported by recent empirical evidence. The main policy implication based on results of the study is that TO should be enhanced to decrease LFPRD in Pakistan, and FDI in non-services sector should be encouraged to enhance F",null,"https://www.jstor.org/stable/26153246",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":5},"Pakistan","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x"]
["Jakobi, A.",2010,"The OECD And Crime: The Fight Against Corruption and Money Laundering","Mechanisms of OECD Governance: International Incentives for National Policymaking?",null,"Oxford University Press","Ch. 7",null,"139-160","Chapter 7 analyzes OECD activities in the eld of crime control, focusing on corruption and moneylaundering. Both aspects have witnessed growing international concern during the 1990s, and variousinternational activities have been started to criminalize and prosecute corruption and moneylaundering across countries. While each of these crimes seriously impact both politics and theeconomy, the political solutions found in the context of the OECD have been very dierent: Corruptionhas been tackled by an OECD convention and emerged as a core issue of OECD activities andpublications, while money laundering has been treated by the Financial Action Taskforce (FATF), asemi‐autonomous agency that is formally independent of the OECD but is based in the organization'sbuilding and has a widely overlapping membership. The chapter reconstructs the political process thatled to the emergence of both models, showing how dierent conditions on the input side resulted indierent models of ghting nancial crime.","FATF is more successful than the  OECD Convention on Brobery ","https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199591145.003.0007 ",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Jakobi, A.",2015,"Global Networks Against Crime: Using the Financial Action Task Force as A Model?","International Journal",null,"Sage",70,3,"391-407","For more than two decades, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has been the centralgovernance network for developing anti-money laundering policies. It serves as a proto-type of a new form of governance, linked to soft law, peer reviews, and expert advice.Literature on the FATF, however, rarely questions the transferability of this model toother areas of global governance. Seeking to fill this gap, this article analyzes the net-working activities that created and maintain the FATF. I argue that two major difficultiesare particularly challenging for any global governance network: initiation problems andcommitment problems. The article describes how the FATF’s members have overcomethese difficulties and developed the network over time. It also shows that some toolsand conditions that contributed to the FATF’s success are difficult to replicate for othernetworks. The conclusions outline some ways to overcome these challenges andpresent further questions for research.","Diifficult to replicate the FATF model to deter organised crime","https://doi.org/10.1177/0020702015587662",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Jakobi, A.",2018,"Governing Illicit Finance in Transnational Security Spaces: The FATF And Anti-Money Laundering","Crime Law Soc Change",null,"Springer ",null,69,"173-190","This article analyzes the global anti-money laundering (AML) regime fromthe perspective of security governance, examining the creation of a transnationalsecurity space by the FATF. Security is often mentioned as relevant context for AMLmeasures, and the Financial Action Taskforce (FATF) as its central institution. Yet,most analyses–implicitly or explicitly–present the FATF as an important bankingregulator. Arguing that this perspective on the FATF is too limited, the article outlinesthe changing security context in which AML emerged as an important tool forgovernance. Unlike traditional ideas of international security, the idea of securitygovernance emphasizes new forms of cooperation to ensure safety and security acrossmultiple levels. Based on International Relations (IR) and criminological research, thearticle develops a framework with five dimensions of security governance: a compre-hensive security concept, multi-purpose rationalization, public-private cooperation,multi-nodal governance, and transnational security spaces as a result. Unlike otherefforts of global crime governance, the global AML regime provides a prime exampleof security governance in all of these dimensions. At the same time, the link to securityalso explains why the global AML regime expanded in some areas more than in others:AML is still a weak governance instrument for regulating financial crimes such as taxevasion or corruption, but it is a strong one for security-related crimes. While the FATFremains a special case in global governance, the creation of transnational securityspaces in AML–caused by FATF activities–is likely to be a model for future securitygovernance in other fields.","FATF can be a model for future security governance ","https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9750-y",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",{"$nulls":10},"x","x"]
["Javaid, M. ",2015,"ILO Conventions and Gender Dimensions of Labour Laws in Pakistan","South Asian Studies",null,null,30,1,"257-271","Like in the other developing countries, women labor force participation rate is rising gradually in Pakistan. Their employment is mostly concentrated in the informal sector, agriculture sector and in the home-based industries. Pakistan is signatory to ILO Conventions 100 and 111. As a result, various efforts were made in the country to make labor laws and policies in line with these conventions. The paper examines country labor laws with an objective to explore whether these are in accordance with the Pakistan’s international commitments. The paper analyzes how far various provisions of the labor laws regarding women workers have been able to address the concerns of these two conventions. It also highlights weaknesses of labor laws and suggests means and ways as a way forward for overhauling of these laws, especially, in the context of the scenario after the 18th Constitutional Amendment",null,"http://journals.pu.edu.pk/journals/index.php/IJSAS/article/view/2997",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":5},"Pakistan",null,"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Johnnson, J., Taxell, N. & Zaum, D.",2012,"Mapping Evidence Gaps in Anti-Corruption Assessing the State of The Operationally Relevant Evidence on Donors’ Actions and Approaches to Reducing Corruption",null,null,"AU4: Anti-Corruption Resource Centre","2012-10-01",7,null,"This paper charts the current evidence on effectiveness of different anti-corruption reforms, and identifies significant evidence gaps. Despite a substantial amount of literature on anti-corruption, this review found very few studies focusing on anti-corruption reforms, and even fewer that credibly assess issues of effectiveness and impact. The evidence was strong for only two types of interventions: public financial management (PFM) reforms and supreme audit institutions (SAIs). For PFM, the evidence in general showed positive results, whereas the effectiveness was mixed for SAIs. No strong evidence indicates that any of the interventions pursued have been ineffective, but there is fair evidence that anti-corruption authorities, civil service reforms and the use of corruption conditionality in aid allocation decisions in general have not been effective.The paper advocates more operationally-relevant research and rigorous evaluations to build up the missing evidence base, particularly in conflict-afflicted states, in regards to the private sector, and on the interactions and interdependencies between different anti-corruption interventions.","There is limited evidence on implementation of anti-corruption reforms","https://www.u4.no/publications/mapping-evidence-gaps-in-anti-corruption-assessing-the-state-of-the-operationally-relevant-evidence-on-donors-actions-and-approaches-to-reducing-corruption",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Joshi, D., & O'Dell, K. ",2016,"The Critical Role of Mass Media in International Norm Diffusion: The Case of UNDP Human Development Reports","International Studies Perspectives",null,null,18,3,"343-364","What role does mass media play in the promotion of global norms? We address this question through an analysis of Human Development Reports (HDRs) produced by the United Nations Development Programme. Although HDRs have promoted human development ideology over the past twenty-five years, little is known about how and to what extent their messages have been disseminated to the public. Addressing this gap in the literature, we examine a critical intervening factor in the process of international norm diffusion: political communication via the mass media. Highlighting the importance of framing and agenda setting, we identify four communicative mechanisms that can facilitate norm diffusion: credibility, persistence, resonance, and decentralization. Through qualitative and quantitative content analysis, we assess how these mechanisms have enabled HDRs to attract favorable global media attention such that they are now cited much more frequently than their rival, the World Bank's World Development Reports.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/isp/article-abstract/18/3/343/2669500?login=false",null,null,"x","x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Kamalnath, A., & Masselot, A.",2014,"The Transfer of Gender Equality Norms from Europe to Asia Through the Spread of Corporate Gender Quotas",null,null,"SSRN",{"$nulls":3},"After Norway introduced a mandatory quota for women on corporate boards, a number of other European countries have followed suit. While the post-financial crisis regulatory reforms contributed to increased focus on getting more women on corporate boards from a business point of view, concerns of gender equality have been simultaneously cited as justification for these laws. In this paper, we examine the potential of corporate quotas to improve gender equality. We then analyse the diffusion of corporate gender quotas from Europe into two countries in Asia – Malaysia and India. We find that market pressures and the push for development along-side goals of promoting gender equality are responsible for the diffusion of these laws into these two Asian countries.",null,"https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2504339",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":5},"Malaysia and India","x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Kami, E., & Elbers, W.",2022,"How Internationally Funded NGOs Promote Gender Equality in Horticulture Value Chains in Kenya","Third World Quarterly",null,null,43,9,"2112-2128","This article contributes to the literature on global value chains by examining how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) promote gender equality. NGOs have been instrumental in setting social standards that seek to institutionalise gender-sensitive governance structures. However, relatively little is known about their roles in doing so. Using in-depth empirical research on the Women@Work Campaign in the cut-flower sector in Kenya, the article examines how a coalition of Kenyan NGOs and an international NGO push for gender equality in global value chains. While the Kenyan NGOs do most of the actual work on the ground, the international NGO uses its position to facilitate and empower the local NGOs to do their work. Yet, we see that funding conditions hamper the local NGOs’ efforts to promote gender equality. Overall, our analysis highlights that NGOs fulfil important roles in promoting gender equality in horticulture value chains but the requirements of the international aid system act as a constraint.","This article sheds light on the various roles that local and international NGOs play in pro-moting gender equality in GVCs – a topic of inquiry which thus far has received little sus-tained attention in the literature. The empirical evidence from the Kenyan cut-flower sector shows that local NGOs play active roles in co-creating and monitoring sexual harassment policies on flower farms. By holding flower farms accountable for their policies and practices, the local NGOs contribute towards making sure that standards are implemented in practice. Additionally, local NGOs offer capacity strengthening training on women’s leadership and sexual  harassment  for  management,  workers  and  representatives  of  gender  and  welfare  committees. Overall, the  findings illustrate that local NGOs are crucial actors in the pursuit of gender equality in GVCs. ","https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2022.2081543",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Kenya","x",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x"]
["Kampf, A.",2015,"“Just Head-Banging Won’t Work”: How State Donors Can Further Human Rights of LGBTI In Development Cooperation and What LGBTI Think About It",null,null,"German Institute for Human Rights",{"$nulls":3},"This study tackles the question how state development cooperation can work on issues related to SOGI in countries where these issues are criminalized and where LGBTI are socially stigmatized. \nThe study looks at: human rights obligations relating to SOGI and how they relate to development cooperation; how working on SOGI furthers the global development agenda of poverty reduction; how LGBTI activists work and the conditions they face, including the way human rights are understood and framed in their respective countries. The study argues that development cooperation\nhas to take this into account in order not to generate negative consequences for LGBTI activism and activists.\nThe study then explores how different aspects of state development cooperation – such as aid cuts, programme design, modes of aid delivery and internal staff policies – may promote or endanger work on SOGI. Lastly it points to those areas where development cooperation has still not considered or reached LGBTI groups. Interviews with LGBTI activists demonstrate that the Universal Periodic Review and the work of National Human Rights Institutions have potential of promoting SOGI human rights.\n","Main recommendations: 1) Do support SOGI rights - If donors take their human rights policies seriously they should be promoting SOGI human rights through development cooperation. In addition, improving the legal and social situation of LGBTI persons contributes to poverty reduction. \n2) Talk about SOGI rights as human rights - SOGI human rights can and should be raised in political dialogue just as violations against other groups, such as women or religious minorities, should be. Talks should be framed within a larger human rights framework, focusing on acknowledged rights to non-discrimination and privacy.\n3) Address value issues, but smartly - In order for human rights to attain relevance in local discourse, they need to be linked to the values shared by people in that society. The best way for donors to promote LGBTI rights in national discussions is from “the backseat”, letting local actors steer the course and supporting them in building capacity at the individual and organisational level.\n4) Coordinate when needed – but variation is Important - As a general rule, donors should coordinate. \nWhen it comes to funding, an informed, but diversified approach to civil society support may be the best way to maintain or even further different approaches of civil society organisations and movements and avoid blueprints.\n5) Review criteria for sustainability and ownership when funding contentious human rights issues - CSOs that work on issues their governments do not approve of will probably remain aid dependent for some time to come – thus donors should review and adapt their sustainability criteria for LGBTI CSOs.\n6) Understand visibility – and have emergency procedures ready - Protection of human rights defenders will probably – and sadly – remain a major aspect. Donors should be prepared and have safeguards in place, such as local shelters, regional travel funds or non-bureaucratic asylum procedures.\n7) Work with traditional and religious leaders - In order to create ownership. However, support of local structures\nshould always be accompanied by a critical assessment of who is being left out of these structures – and in-built approaches to remedy these deficits.\nAid cuts – if you think they are really necessary, consult LGBTI in any case\n8) Practice what you preach - “Walk the talk” implies sensitising agency staff both with regard to both their professional work and the working environment. And make diversity a criterion for hiring – and LGBTI a diversity criterion.\n9) Close gaps – lesbians – trans* – inter* - For programmes to be really inclusive of the full range of L-G-B-T-I, donors need to be clear about whom they actually reach. Existing approaches should be extended to be inclusive of everyone, and other entry points explored.\n10) Support necessary research and learning. ","https://www.ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/45788/ssoar-2015-kampf-Just_head-banging_wont_work_.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y&lnkname=ssoar-2015-kampf-Just_head-banging_wont_work_.pdf",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Kamzina, Z., Buribayev, Y., Taitorina, B., Yessengazieva, A. & Kuttygalieva, A.",2022,"Towards Non-discrimination and Gender Equality: The Role of International Labour Standards","Journal of Sustainability",null,null,14,9,5349,"Gender equality and the prohibition of discrimination are not only one of the fundamental human rights, but also a necessary basis for achieving sustainable development. Kazakhstan’s global rankings for gender equality in recent years show a steady decline, despite the legislation formed during the period of independence, which guarantees the prohibition of any form of discrimination and the proclamation of gender equality as a priority of national policy. An important aspect of reforms, ensuring their effectiveness, is changes in legislation. International labor agreements are mechanisms for the transformation of national legislation and practice on the basis of universally accepted standards for more sustainable development of employment and the labor market. This study analyzes the effectiveness of the national legal framework of Kazakhstan from the standpoint of implementation, compliance with international standards of prohibition of discrimination and ensuring gender equality. An analysis is made of how universal norms can affect the development of national legislation. The article concludes that the laws aimed at the implementation of international standards for promoting the prohibition of discrimination and gender parity do not fully achieve their intended goals due to a weak law enforcement mechanism and the lack of full practical implementation of the country’s obligations. Legal solutions are proposed to neutralize the inconsistency of the internal Kazakhstani labor legislation with international standards, as well as the necessary accompanying elements of changes in civil procedural, social, administrative, and criminal legislation. An overview is presented of how the ratification of ILO acts will further improve conditions in the labor market and what changes in laws will be required in the future",null,"https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/14/9/5349",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":5},"Kazakhstan",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Kang, A.J & Tripp, A.M.",2018,"Coalitions Matter: Citizenship, Women, And Quota Adoption in Africa","Perspectives on Politics",null,null,16,1,"73-91","We provide new theory and evidence of the role of domestic women’s coalitions in the adoption of gender quotas. Previous research has shown the importance of women’s movements to policy change. We show that specific types of mobilization, often multiethnic in character, are a more precise way of describing these influences. Using a new dataset of coalitions in 50 countries in Africa (1989–2014), we first examine where coalitions are likely to emerge. Controlling for factors that correlate with their formation, we find that when domestic women’s organizations form a coalition for quotas, governments are more likely to adopt them and do so more quickly. This correlation holds when controlling for international aid, involvement of international women’s movements, and whether countries recently emerged out of major armed conflict, complementing recent scholarship that highlights global influences. A comparative case study of the adoption of a gender quota in Senegal and non-adoption in Benin helps illustrate the nuances of the theory.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/perspectives-on-politics/article/abs/coalitions-matter-citizenship-women-and-quota-adoption-in-africa/026ADBBDDFC534FF1557E3D5FB1FBB97",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"Senegal and Benin","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Keen, M., & Ligthart, J.",2006,"Information Sharing and International Taxation: A Primer","International Tax and Public Finance",null,"Springer ",null,13,"81-110","The sharing between national tax authorities of taxpayer-specific information has emerged over the lastfew years as a—probably ‘the’—central issue on the international tax policy agenda. Yet this refocusingof the debate on international taxation—away from parametric tax coordination and towards strengtheninginformation exchange—has gone largely unnoticed in the public finance literature. This paper gives an overviewof this increasingly important area of international taxation, reviewing the key economic, legal, and practicalconcepts and issues bearing on the analysis and implementation of information exchange, and providing anaccount of recent policy initiatives and emerging theoretical insights.","The G20 and OECD push for  tax authorities to share information across jurisdictions however adoption has been ambivalent","https://doi.org/10.1007/s10797-006-3090-7",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Kerwer, D. & Hülsse, R. ",2011,"How International Organizations Rule the World: The Case of The Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering","Journal of Internal Organizational Studies",null,null,2,1,"50-67","For some time, students of global governance have been interested in how international organizations make global rules. While the focus has been on rules that are formally binding, international organizations frequently resort to nonbinding rules, termed “soft law,” “best practice,” or “standards.” In the following, we argue that to understand how the Financial Action Task Force on Money Laundering (FATF) has become an influential global regulator, it is best understood as a standard-setting organization. To do so, we use a framework from organization studies. This framework highlights the fact that FATF makes a considerable effort to endow its rules with legitimacy in order to foster voluntary compliance. At the same time, we suggest how the organization theory approach needs to be modified to explain direct coercion by this standard setter. To the extent our argument is convincing, it implies a dialogue between the fields of organization studies and the study of international organizations can be useful. ","FATF relies on legitimacy and coercive tactics for enforcement ","http://journal-iostudies.org/sites/default/files/2020-01/JIOS201121final_5.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x"]
["Kidwai, A.J.",2006,"Money Laundering and The Role of Banks","Pakistan Horizon,",null,null,59,2,"43-47","Today's topic of money laundering is of great significance in the global context as well as in the state of affairs where Pakistan is developing transparency in the financial system and regulatory framework for financial discipline. Money laundering is a global phenomenon, both in the developed and developing countries. Money is laundered by criminals globally to the extent of around five per cent of the world's GDP. Developed and developing countries are all facing the meNance of money laundering through drug trafficking, narcotics deals, terrorist activities, corruption and subversive use of ill-gotten mon","Pakistan introduced legislation on money laundering but the article does not discuss implemntation or effectiveness ","https://www.jstor.org/stable/41394125",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Kim, J.",2020,"The Diffusion of International Women’s Rights Norms to Individual Attitudes: The Differential Roles of World Polity and World Society","Sociology and Development",null,null,6,4,"459-492","Although existing studies of international women’s rights norm diffusion demonstrate the importance of international linkages for fostering change, few examine their influence on individual attitudes. Of those that do, none consider how ties to different world cultural domains—world polity vs. world society—impact this process, despite their divergent roots. Whereas world polity via CEDAW facilitates diffusion by holding states accountable, world society via women’s international NGOs (WINGOs) appeals to citizens by encouraging activism and awareness. Focusing on trends in developing nations, which remain underexamined but theoretically relevant, I assess the unique effect of each on diffusion to attitudes. I further expand the literature to examine the direct and interactive effects of national-level compliance (quotas) on this process. Using a multilevel analysis of World Values Survey data from 31 developing nations, I demonstrate that the duration of CEDAW ratification (world polity) and nationally mandated legislative quotas (national-level compliance) directly facilitate this diffusion, but WINGOs (world society) alone do not. Yet, where quotas exist and global ties are sufficient, WINGOs become significant, and CEDAW’s effectiveness increases. These results suggest that world polity and world society are both salient for diffusion to attitudes but should be considered separately and in conjunction with national-level outcomes that moderate their effects.",null,"https://online.ucpress.edu/socdev/article-abstract/6/4/459/114283/The-Diffusion-of-International-Women-s-Rights",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Kirby, P. & Shepherd, L.J.",2021,"Women, Peace, And Security: Mapping The (Re)Production of A Policy Ecosystem (Not Region Specific)","Journal of Global Security Studies",null,null,6,3,null,"The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda is a global peace and security architecture conventionally understood as emerging from a suite of UN Security Council resolutions and accompanying member state action plans over the last twenty years. The agenda serves as a major international gender equality initiative in its own right and as a prominent example of the broadening of security practices in global politics. In this paper, we present the first truly systematic analysis of the agenda, drawing on a novel dataset of 213 WPS policy documents from across the UN system, national government initiatives, and regional and international organizations published between 2000 and 2018. We argue that the degree of variation in the WPS agenda is frequently underestimated in conventional models of norm diffusion and policy transfer, and instead propose an account of the agenda as a dynamic ecosystem shaped by reproduction and contestation. Our empirical mapping runs counter to established narratives about the development of the agenda, producing insights into the pace and location of the growth of WPS; the hierarchy of its key “pillars”; the emergence of new issues; the development of rival versions of the agenda; and the role of domestic institutions in shaping WPS policy. We find support for the claim that the WPS agenda is pluralizing in significant ways and provide illustrations of points of fracture within the agenda at large. Our argument has significant implications for the WPS research agenda and for scholarship on security norms and policy more broadly.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/jogss/article/6/3/ogaa045/5922737",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x"]
["Klugman, J.",2017,"Gender Based Violence and The Law. World Development Report Background Paper (Maybe)",null,"Washington DC","World Bank",{"$nulls":3},"The phenomenon of gender-based violence is pervasive around the world, experienced by some one in three women in their lifetimes. The elimination of such violence has been increasingly recognized as a priority for the international community. This paper investigates the potential and shortcomings of legislative action – and how international and national laws can interact with norms in ways that can be conducive to the reduction of the risk of violence. We argue that there has been major progress in establishing the right of women to live free of violence in both international and national law, especially over the past decade or so, with civil society movements at the local and global levels playing a pivotal role. At the same time, there is some way to go to address the underlying norms and behaviors associated with violence. The investigation sheds some light on broader debates about the value of international human rights law. Some regard international agreements and conventions as toothless, others point to evidence that these have helped to mobilize women’s groups. One channel of effects could be the following. International laws and norms set out standards of behaviour that are regarded as appropriate by a critical mass of nation-states, and such norms affect domestic policy making along a variety of causal pathways, including standards for domestic legislation, creating standards for global civil society to both advocate and monitor, and mobilizing domestic civil society around these new shared expectations of individual and state behavior. The paper is structured as follows. The outline the significance of gender-based violence, globally and regional and country patterns. This is followed by an examination of the international legal framework. Our review highlights the important role of civil society, and especially women’s groups, both in terms of bringing about reform and monitoring implementation. The focus of this paper is on intimate partner violence directed at women – that is psychological and emotional, as well as physical and sexual violence, inflicted by a spouse, live-in partner or boyfriend.Intimate partner violence comprises the bulk of gender-based violence in all countries around the world.",null,"https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/handle/10986/26198",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x"]
["Knoote, F. & Malmberg, T.",2021,"Zero Risk Mentality: The Damaging Effect Of AML/CFT Measures for Civil Society","Policy Brief",null,"Global Initive",{"$nulls":3},"Despite the threats, intimidation and violence perpetrated by organized criminal groups, there are courageous groups of people all over the world who put themselves at great risk to support and protect their communities in the face of criminal governance. However, for many of these organizations, as well as other non-profit organizations (NPOs) worldwide, it has become increasingly challenging to access funds as they have faced operational and legal restrictions as a consequence of the tightening rules around countering terrorism financing (CFT) and anti-money laundering (AML) measures. This challenge has grown after some governments increasingly see the money flows received and sent by NPOs as a potential source for the financing of terrorism. Recommendation 8 of the Financial Action Task Force – the recognized global standard setter seeking to combat money laundering and terrorism financing – has played a major role in creating this perception. This paper explores the key challenges faced in this regard by The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime’s Resilience Fund recipients. ","FATF rules create challenges for charities and non-governmental orgnisations working on international development issues","https://globalinitiative.net/analysis/financial-resilience/",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x","x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x","x","x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x"]
["Kollman, K.",2009,"European Institutions, Transnational Networks and National Same-Sex unions Policy: When Soft Law Hits Harder","Contemporary Politics",null,"Taylor & Francis",15,1,"37-53","In a period of just under 20 years, 15 Western European countries have adopted national same-sex union (SSU) laws that legally recognize the gay and lesbian couples who chose to enterthem. This rather startling case of convergent policy change has largely slipped under theradar screens of political scientists. This article argues that the European Union (EU), theEuropean Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), and a transnational network of lesbian, gay,bisexual and transgender activists have played a crucial role in this policy change bycreating a soft law norm for relationship recognition and disseminating this norm topolicymakers in Western European states. More recently, both the EU and the ECtHR havebegun mandating some minimal recognition of same-sex couples. Using Austria andGermany as comparative cases, the article posits further that Europe has had a far greaterimpact on national policy outcomes when its influence has been felt through the informalprocesses of norm diffusion and elite socialization than when it has tried to impose formalmandates through court decisions and EU directives.","The wave of SSU policy adoption in Western Europe over the past 20 years represents one of the most remarkable cases of convergent policy change in recent times. t largely has occurred in theabsence of legally binding international or European mandates for this recognition. Insteadthe human rights-based, soft law norm for relationship recognition was cobbled together froma series of resolutions by the EP, the incorporation of sexual orientation into the Treaty ofAmsterdam’s anti-discrimination clause, the models provided by Nordic states, and keydecisions by the ECtHR to eliminate other forms of sexual orientation-based discrimination.These models and precedents were shaped by a transnational network of LGBT policy activists who helped disseminate them to European states. The SSU case demonstrates that diffusely created soft law norms can have profound and transforming effects on European states’ policies, and that transnational organizing by LGBT human rights groups at the European and global levels does have important effects on national policies. The findings of this study also suggest that soft law norms are more than just an additionalway in which Europe can have power in domestic settings. As the Austrian case illustrates, hardlaw and soft law do not come in mutually exclusive packages. In the SSU case, the attempt byEuropean institutions to impose binding mandates on European states has only come after softlaw norms have laid the ground work. Imposing binding rules on states or governing parties thathave not internalized the core principles of the new law is courting trouble, particularly in policyfields, such as family policy, that are highly politicized. The European SSU case may also hold important lessons for LGBT human rights networksoutside the region. It is probably welcome news that soft law norms can be influential even in the absence of binding international mandates. Soft law can change a great deal. As in Eastern Europe, however, transnational LGBT movements need to be sensitive to domestic filtering mechanisms. Different cultures and political systems will react differently to the claims embedded in LGBT human rights rhetoric. Translation processes are essential for successful outcomes.","https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/epdf/10.1080/13569770802674204?needAccess=true&role=button",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Kondylis, F., Mueller, V., Sheriff, G.& Zhu, S.",2016,"Do Female Instructors Reduce Gender Bias in Diffusion of Sustainable Land Management Techniques? Experimental Evidence from Mozambique (Maybe)","World Development",null,null,78,null,"436-449","Agricultural innovation is essential to meet the food requirements of Africa’s growing population (Byerlee et al., 2009). One pathway to increasing yields may be to enhance female farmer productivity. In many settings, married women cultivate plots separated from those of other family members. They face different challenges to productivity, such as deficiencies in inputs (Udry et al., 1995, Udry, 1996, Croppenstedt et al., 2013), weak property rights (Goldstein and Udry, 2008), and time constraints (Doss, 2001). It has long been argued that traditionally male-dominated extension services may also contribute to a gender bias in adoption of new agricultural techniques (Bowen 1989, Saito et al., 1994, Due et al., 1997, Doss, 2001, Quisumbing and Pandolfelli, 2010). If this is true, placing women in extension positions may help other women overcome barriers to adoption posed by inequitable access to agricultural extension services or exposure to inapt information. This study uses a randomized policy experiment in Mozambique to examine the impact of training female messengers of Sustainable Land Management (SLM) techniques on the awareness, knowledge, and adoption of SLM practices by other female farmers.2 To our knowledge, this study is the first to explicitly test the impact of training female messengers on the diffusion of agricultural techniques to other women in a randomized experimental setting.",null,"https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/abs/pii/S0305750X15002582",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Mozambique","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Kreft, A.K.",2017,"The Gender Mainstreaming Gap: Security Council Resolution 1325 And UN Peacekeeping Mandates","International Peacekeeping",null,null,24,1,"132-158","In response to women’s frequent marginalization in conflict settings, the United Nations Security Council passed resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security in 2000. It called for including a gender perspective into peacekeeping operations and for enhancing women’s participation in all aspects of postconflict reconstruction. This article contributes to the empirical literature on the implementation of UNSCR 1325, examining the extent of gender mainstreaming in UN peacekeeping mandates. Situated in a theoretical framework of gradual norm cascades, it hypothesizes that UNSCR 1325 has increased gender content in mandates, but selectively so. Statistical analyses of an original dataset covering all 71 UN peacekeeping operations from 1948 until 2014 reveal that gender-mainstreamed mandates are more likely in conflicts with high levels of sexual violence. In designing gendered peacekeeping mandates, actors thus appear to be responsive to cues about the salience of a very visible, albeit narrow, gender issue emanating from the respective conflict rather than being guided by the universalist norms of women’s participation entrenched in UNSCR 1325.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13533312.2016.1195267?journalCode=finp20",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":7},"Liberia","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x","x"]
["Kroeger, A., & Kang, A.J.",2022,"The Appointment of Women to Authoritarian Cabinets in Africa","Government and Opposition Journal",{"$nulls":4}," 1-24","What explains variation in the inclusion of women in authoritarian cabinets? We theorize that leaders of electoral autocracies are affected by changing international norms of democracy and women's rights to appoint women ministers. We propose two hypotheses. First, increasing dependence on aid from democratic donors encourages leaders of electoral autocracies to appoint more women ministers. Second, electoral autocrats uprooting democratic traits appoint more women ministers to minimize the reputational costs of their autocratization. Using data from authoritarian regimes in 38 African countries between 1973 and 2013, we find that increases in aid from democracies are associated with modest increases in women's share of cabinet seats. As our theory suggests, this relationship holds only in electoral autocracies in more recent years when norms of gender equality have been strongest. Conversely, we find no evidence that autocratization periods are associated with increases in women's cabinet share. Additionally, we show that supply-side factors and the politics of multi-ethnic coalition building appear to explain differences in women's cabinet seat share in autocracies.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/government-and-opposition/article/appointment-of-women-to-authoritarian-cabinets-in-africa/2CB1F142F6235323B08B506601376DE9",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x","theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Krook, K., L.",2006,"Reforming Representation: The Diffusion of Candidate Gender Quotas Worldwide",{"$nulls":3},2,3,"303-327","In recent years, more than a hundred countries have adopted quotas for the selection of female candidates to political office. Examining individual cases of quota reform, scholars offer four basic causal stories to explain quota adoption: Women mobilize for quotas to increase women's representation, political elites recognize strategic advantages for supporting quotas, quotas are consistent with existing or emerging notions of equality and representation, and quotas are supported by international norms and spread through transnational sharing. Although most research focuses on the first three accounts, I argue that the fourth offers the greatest potential for understanding the rapid diffusion of gender quota policies, as it explicitly addresses the potential connections among quota campaigns. In a theory-building exercise, I combine empirical work on gender quotas with insights from the international norms literature to identify four distinct international and transnational influences on national quota debates: international imposition, transnational emulation, international tipping, and international blockage. These patterns reveal that domestic debates often have international and transnational dimensions, at the same time that they intersect in distinct ways with international and transnational trends. As work on gender quotas continues to grow, therefore, I call on scholars to move away from simple accounts of diffusion to a recognition of the multiple processes shaping the spread of candidate gender quotas worldwide.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/abs/reforming-representation-the-diffusion-of-candidate-gender-quotas-worldwide/45FADD355B7E23E79CE9B14A7DF4BC5D",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Krook, M.L.",2016,"Contesting Gender Quotas: Dynamics of Resistance","Politics, Groups and Identities",null,null,4,2,"268-283","Gender quotas have diffused rapidly around the globe in recent decades, suggesting widespread and dramatic transformations in women's access to political power. Yet, quotas often face serious challenges following their introduction, resulting in a gap between quota requirements and electoral outcomes. To explore these dynamics, this article develops a theoretical account of how and why political elites resist the changes called for by quota reforms. It argues that three tools predicated upon women's exclusion from the political sphere – false universalism and political principles, male power and political survival, and gender and leadership norms – are often mobilized to render quotas illegitimate, making resistance understandable and, indeed, even desirable on a host of grounds. The article then catalogues trends in resistance at different stages of the electoral process, integrating materials from case studies around the world – and exposing a wide range of strategies, often creative, to subvert the impact of quota policies. Adopting gender quotas may thus be only the beginning – rather than the end – of a long and contested process to empower women as political actors",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/21565503.2016.1151797?journalCode=rpgi20",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Krook, M.L., & True, J.",2010,"Rethinking The Life Cycles of International Norms: The United Nations and The Global Promotion of Gender Equality","European Journal of International Relations",null,null,18,1,null,"The diffusion of international norms and their effects on policy and political behaviour are central research questions in international relations. Informed by constructivism, prevailing models are marked by a crucial tension between a static view of norm content and a dynamic picture of norm adoption and implementation. Observing that norms continue to evolve after they emerge, we argue that a discursive approach offers a more promising way forward for theorizing and analysing the life cycles of international norms. We present a view of norms as processes, calling attention to both ‘internal’ and ‘external’ sources of dynamism. We illustrate this theory by tracing and comparing the life cycles of two global equality norms: gender-balanced decision-making and gender mainstreaming. We find that these norms emerged from two distinct policy realms, and after briefly converging in the mid-1990s, have since developed largely separately from, and often in tension with, one another.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/1354066110380963",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,"theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x","x"]
["Le Nguyen, C.",2014,"The International Anti-Money Laundering Regime and Its Adoption by Vietnam","Asian Journal of International Law,",null,null,4,1,"197-225","The international anti-money laundering (AML) regime has developed and diffused rapidly in the last two decades. Most developing countries have engaged with the international AML regime under pressure from other states rather than on a voluntary basis.1 Establishing the national AML regime in these countries in compliance with international standards is very expensive, while the benefits are elusive.2 This paper reveals that the adoption of basically similar AML norms by many developing countries results from the global diffusion of the international AML regime through two major mechanisms: coercion (by powerful economies and international institutions) and socialization (through tactical communications). This paper points out that although the AML regime of Vietnam was established under external coercion and socialization, domestic factors determine the extent of compliance with international standards. In Vietnam, a determinative factor is the political willingness of the Communist Party in fighting money laundering.","Vietnam complies with international AML standards to avoid economic sanctions and reputationalkl damage","https://doi.org/10.1017/S2044251313000349",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"Vietnam","x","x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x","x","x"]
["Lee, H.",2017,"CEDAW Smokescreens: Gender Politics in Contemporary Tonga","the Contemporary Pacific Journal",null,null,29,1,"66-90","Tonga is one of only a few nations yet to ratify the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (cedaw). In early 2015, when the government announced its plans for ratification, there were widespread protests, particularly about cedaw leading to same-sex marriage and access to abortion. Then, during the week of celebrations for his coronation, the king through the Privy Council pronounced the government’s plans unconstitutional. In this article, it is argued that the protests and the king’s actions masked wider anxieties about fundamental issues of gender equality as well as about the shift to democratic government and the country’s uncertain future. Drawing on historical accounts of gender relations in Tonga, I examine the current situation of flux, in which issues of access to land, women in leadership, reproductive freedom, and domestic violence are coalescing. The narrowly focused protests against cedaw thus act as smokescreens concealing the realities of contemporary gender politics in Tonga.",null,"https://muse.jhu.edu/article/646630",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Tonga","x","x",null,"x"]
["Lorentzen, J.",2017,"Norm Appropriation Through Policy Production: Rwanda’s Gender Policies","Third World Thematics",null,null,2,5,"658-674","This article contributes to current debates on the role and agency of actors on the receiving end in norm diffusion processes, and explores the role of the Government of Rwanda in appropriating gender equality norms through policy production. It considers policy production as a central meaning-making activity in norm diffusion and applies a definition of appropriation as a discursive mechanism through which meaning is negotiated and constituted. Through an analysis of national policy documents on gender equality, it finds that appropriation occurs when the meaning of gender equality is altered to serve as a central feature in the construction of a ‘new’ Rwandan identity.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23802014.2017.1433964?casa_token=rgvaSPCUc4AAAAAA%3AavYVhwe-x1DAuKw7BMvhz0AfdVQMQ78qTUcnMvQ9-5yTsIR69ZT3lU4mgwrGBCDwn1KnmHmpstD3",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Rwanda",null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x"]
["Machado, M.R. & Jorge, G.",2007,"Anti-Money-Laundering and Governance in Latin America","Artigo Direito GV (working Paper) 4",null,"Artigo Direito GV",{"$nulls":3},"This paper is designed to provide a first approach to some questions raised by the Global Administrative Law Project concerning the anti\u001fmoney laundering system, as a global governance project, and how it works in Latin America. We address some interactions between actors at the global, regional and local level. So we have organized our presentation according to those three spaces: 1) global standards, 2) regional efforts and 3) national experiences, where we present the contrast between Brazil and Argentina. ","The anti-money laundering global standards pre-suppose a close and collaborative relationship between the private sector, the FIU and the criminal justice system.\n FATF/Style Regional bodies were created to cover this situation.    \nanti-money laundering global standards constitute a radical change in criminal law, from a “suspect-oriented” prosecutorial system towards an “assets-oriented” prosecutorial system.\nthe main distinction between the implementation of the anti-money laundering system in Brazil and Argentina lies in the way both governments see the problem FATF seeks to address","http://hdl.handle.net/10438/2774",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x"]
["Maguchu, P.",2018,"Revisiting Money-Laundering Legislation in Zimbabwe and The Role of International Organisations","African Security Review",null,null,27,"03-04.","278-290","International Organisations (IOs) are crucial actors in spearheading the\nglobal adoption of anti-money-laundering (AML) legislation. However,\nthe extent to which AML legislation has been implemented in\nZimbabwe under the aegis of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF)\nand East Africa and Southern Africa Money Laundering Group\n(ESSAMALG) may put the efficacy of legislation passed at the behest of\nIOs into question. This article suggests that glocalisation may enhance\nthe international fight against money-laundering. That is to say,\ninternational standards should be applied domestically with due\nregard for local legislative environment.","Zimbabwe does not have capacity to implemnt FATF recommendations adequately. ","https://doi.org/10.1080/10246029.2018.1544915",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Zimbabwe","x",{"$nulls":13},"x"]
["Matsuoka, A.",2020,"The Establishment of The OECD Asia-Pacific Academy for Tax and Financial Crime Investigation","Journal of Financial Regulation and Compliance",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",28,4,"541-554","Purpose\nThis viewpoint paper has two purposes: One is to argue that the Academy activities should increasingly be promoted and used for disseminating the practical and useful skills for the related law enforcement people who fight against financial crime, while the other is to contribute to the basis of discussions and further academy research.\n\nDesign/methodology/approach\nThis study summarizes and indicates potential usefulness of the new academy, specializing in the related social and political contexts in qualitative and descriptive ways.\n\nFindings\nThis study indicates that the new academy activities in Japan would continue for a long time, thus providing immediately useful skillsets for the investigators and officers at the very frontline who face against various financial crimes.\n\nOriginality/value\nWhile little research has been done about the series of related academy activities by OECD, this study describes the historical background and usefulness of the academy of the OECD in a specialized manner, thus showing its linkage with FATF.","Successful capacity buidling to support norm adoption ","https://doi.org/10.1108/JFRC-12-2019-0139",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Moghadam, V.",2010,"States And Social Rights: Women's Economic Citizenship in The Maghreb","middle eastern law",null,null,2,null,"185-220","How has economic reform transformed states, societies, and state-society relations in the countries of the Maghreb (North Africa)? With a focus on Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia, the paper identifi es new actors, opportunities, and challenges observed in the Maghreb. Specifi cally, it examines how—in an era of globalization characterized by neoliberal economic policy but also the worldwide diff usion of norms of women’s rights—state strategies for integration into the global economy have been aff ecting women’s economic participation and social rights and have, in turn, led to women’s collective action for legal equality and social-economic rights. As such, state-society relations are being renegotiated in terms of both new social and new gender contracts. In examining recent reforms of family codes and labor laws, the paper elucidates the contradictory eff ects of globalization on women and the complicated relations between states and feminist organizations in the region. Th e argument is informed conceptually by worldsystems theory, feminist political economy, theories of citizenship, and the social movements literature.",null,"https://brill.com/view/journals/melg/2/2/article-p185_4.xml",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Morse, J.",2019,"Blacklists, Market Enforcement, And   Regime to Combat Terrorist Financing","International Organization",null,null,73,3,"511-45","This paper highlights how international organizations can use globalperformance indicators (GPIs) to drive policy change through transnational market pres-sure. When international organizations are credible assessors of state policy, and whenmonitored countries compete for market resources, GPIs transmit information aboutcountry risk and stabilize market expectations. Under these conditions banks and inves-tors may restrict access to capital in noncompliant states and incentivize increased com-pliance. I demonstrate this market-enforcement mechanism by analyzing the FinancialAction Task Force (FATF), an intergovernmental body that issues nonbinding recom-mendations to combat money laundering and the financing of terrorism. The FATF’spublic listing of noncompliant jurisdictions has prompted international banks to moveresources away from listed states and raised the costs of continued noncompliance, signifi-cantly increasing the number of states with laws criminalizing terrorist financing. Thisfinding suggests a powerful pathway through which institutions influence domesticpolicy and highlights the power of GPIs in an age where information is a global currency.","Indicators can be used to help banks to act as enforcers of anti-money laundering intiatitves","https://doi.org/10.1017/S002081831900016X",null,null,"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":13},"Indicators ",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Mugarura, N.",2011,"The Institutional Framework Against Money Laundering and Its Underlying Predicate Crimes","Journal of Financial Regulation and Compliance",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",19,2,"174-194","Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to underscore the current supranational anti-moneylaundering (AML) regimes articulating challenges of harnessing them as a robust framework. Someaspects of the above framework are created under the auspices of the United Nations treaties, some areregional-based initiatives while others aread hocarrangements.Design/methodology/approach– The paper was written on the basis of the supranationalframework against money laundering such as the United Nations Convention against drug traffickingand other psychotropic substances. Owing to the limitations of the above AML model law, the paperutilised a qualitative research methodology, exploring a wide range of the current AML regimes.The paper has also exploited the revised AML framework which expands the scope of the offence toencompass, not only proceeds from drug trafficking but also serious criminal activities (smuggling,fraud, serious financial crimes, and the sale of stolen goods). Ideally, the paper has been written basedon the provisions of the United Nations Convention against transnational organised crimes and itsattendant three protocols adopted in Palermo (2000); and the Financial Action Task Force (2004).The foregoing regimes underscore an essential framework for the study of money laundering and itsattendant predicate offences globally.Findings– The findings of the study clearly demonstrate that the current AML framework is notrobust enough to caution countries against the threat of money laundering. There is a gaping gap inthe law of money laundering within and between regions even though there is a global framework inplace. This is presumably the reason why some countries have not fully transposed some aspects ofcurrent AML regimes locally.Social implications– The gaps in the law against money laundering – both in relation to the waythey are created and enforced signify that states still need to do more collectively to stem the threat ofmoney laundering. The current intransigence in application of AML laws in some countries sign-postthe inherent challenges of globalisation of international finance.Originality/value– While there is a growing body of literature generated on supranational AMLregimes, this paper is distinctly based on the interplay of global and local factors in harnessing it.Thus, the research design of this paper is connected by two strands – a review of existingsupranational AML framework and the inherent challenges faced by individual states indomesticating it. The paper is also written based on some practical experiences of harnessingglobal AML regimes in some countries.","Some countries lack capacity for effective ant-money laundering activities ","https://doi.org/10.1108/13581981111123870",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Mugarura, N.",2013,"Scoping The Regulatory Environment for Harnessing normative Anti-Money laundering Laws in L.D.C. s","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",16,4,"333-352","Purpose– The paper aims to explore the regulatory environment in less developed countries(LDCs) to evaluate their preparedness to harness normative anti-money laundering (AML) regimes.The global AML/CFT regimes are evolved at a global level but implemented within sovereignstates – different regulatory environments and the possibility of regulatory disparities. Thefundamental question this paper seeks to answer is whether the global AML framework can be ascarefully designed as to afford a level playing field to all participating countries? Is this a possibleprospect and if not what should be the way forward? The paper articulates the regulatoryenvironment in LDCs to evaluate its implications on individual state’s ability to harness normativeAML regimes.Design/methodology/approach– This paper was partly written by an empirical study basedon the author’s familiar experience in relation to financial markets regulation and the challengesin LDCs. The paper was also partly written drawing on the author’s PhD thesis entitled: theGlobal The thrust of the thesis was to examine the intricacies of the global AML/CFT frameworkfocusing largely on three jurisdictions – UK, Uganda and South Africa. The paper has beenwritten based on these three jurisdictions. The contention of the paper is that while it is necessaryfor states or oversight institutions to adopt interstate regulatory initiatives on overlappingchallenges such as money laundering, the flipsideside is that global prohibition regimes oftentend to overlook the practical realities in member countries where they are implemented. Finally,this paper proposes the need for a hybrid approach designed to accommodate both the needs ofoversight institutions and respective individual countries where envisaged regimes areintroduced.Findings– The research findings of the study are that the global market system is fraught withdualities with the potential to resonate differently in each jurisdiction in harnessing desired AML/CFTregimes. The dynamics of development in DCs and LDCs are different and this has differentimplications for each country in harnessing the envisaged AML/CFT regimes.Originality/value– The paper was written by internalising the practical experiences of LDCs inharnessing global AML/CFT regimes. While the author has benefited from the scholarly work ofothers, he has done it in a distinctive way to foster the objectives for writing this paper. This paper isoriginal because it proffers approach that could potentially enhance the study of global prohibitionregimes and how they are harnessed in individual jurisdictions.","Low income countries  do not have the  infrastructure or capacity to implement FAFT recommendations fully","https://doi.org/10.1108/JMLC-04-2013-0009",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Mugarura, N.",2018,"Can “Harmonization” Antidote Tax avoidance And Other financial crimes Globally?","Journal of Financial Crime",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",25,1,"187-209","Purpose–The purpose of this research paper is to underscore that harmonization of laws, much as itmight not offer a lasting cure of tax avoidance and other forms offinancial crimes, can enhance thefightagainst it and subsequently help to forestall it. Tax avoidance has remained an intractable challengeand costs governments astronomical sums of money, largely because taxation isasensitiveissueintherealm of sovereign national jurisdictions. Thefirstpartofthispaperinvolvesareviewofempiricaldataon tax avoidance to create a context for evaluating theoretical issues on tax avoidance and how they aremanifested in practice. It draws examples in a cross-jurisdictional perspective given the globalcharacter of tax avoidance and evasion asfinancial crimes. The last part of this paper discusses possiblerecommendations that could be implemented to tackle tax avoidance and its attendant challenges oneconomies.Design/methodology/approach–The author has carried out a scoping review of the literature ontax avoidance and myriad of ways used to commit it globally. There was a wealth of data on taxavoidance, evasion, money laundering and harmonization of laws,which was reviewed and applied inundertaking this study. These data were sourced from published academic books, journal articles andonline data sources/websites. This paper reflects on and internalizes most recent empirical data on taxavoidance and evasion such as unprecedented leak of millions offiles from the database of the world’sfourth biggest offshore lawfirm, Mossack Fonseca–the so-called“Panama papers”, which has revealedthe extent of tax avoidance globally. It also goes an extra length (literally speaking) to underscoreimportant measures that ought to be introduced to address tax avoidance, evasion and moneylaundering once and for all.Findings–Thefindings of this paper confirm that while harmonization of law has its inherentshortcomings, it is necessary to enhance individual state’s ability to deal with overlapping interstatechallenges such as tax avoidance. This paper proffers a thorough analysis of tax avoidance, the variedcontext in which it is manifested with a view to evaluate measures that could be adopted by states to minimizeor forestall it globally.Research limitations/implications–This paper has used data on tax avoidance and cognate areas inunderscoring inherent challenges in current measures against tax avoidance globally. There were not manystudies carried out on the role of harmonization in bolstering states’efforts against tax avoidance and otherfinancial crimes.Practical implications–Paying taxes or avoiding paying it has a direct bearing on people, societies andnational governments. It is therefore important that states adopt measures to curtail tax avoidance–becauseit costs governments a lot of revenue.Originality/value–Though studies have been conducted on tax avoidance and cognate areas, this paperarticulates that harmonization could greatly enhance thefight against it globally. This paper will appeal totax authorities, banks, governments, policy makers, oversightfinancial institutions and those who have avested interest in regulation offinancial crimes globally.","States must work together to minimise tax avoidance ","https://doi.org/10.1108/JFC-06-2016-0045",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x"]
["Murrar, F. & Barakat, K.",2021,"Role Of FATF In Spearheading AML And CFT","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",24,1,"77-90","Purpose–This study aims to define the role of the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) and its StyleRegional Bodies (FSRBs) that combat money laundering (ML) and terroristfinancing (TF) by measuring howwell some Arab countries have complied with FATF’s“Forty Recommendations”with respect to theregulatory framework.Design/methodology/approach–This study combines the comparative analysis methodology with adescriptive analytical approach to compare three member countries of the Middle East and North AfricaFinancial Action Task Force (MENAFATF). It uses secondary data sources, namely, theoretical literature onthe subject and FATF reports on mutual evaluation reports (MERs).Findings–This study examined the variations in compliance with FATF standards among three membercountries of MENAFATF: Bahrain, Morocco and Jordan. While Bahrain has almost completely fulfilled thesestandards, Morocco and Jordan have only partially fulfilled them. These variations in compliance are mainlyattributed to the uneven level of readiness in the countries’commitment to the legislative and regulatoryrequirements before the process of mutual evaluation.Originality/value–Researchers canfind several studies on the role of FATF and FSRBs in combatingML and TF. However, no studies have focussed on the application levels of FATF standards, which arerelevant to the regulatory frameworks of member countries. This study makes a unique and vitalcontribution, as it demonstrates the effectiveness of applying the FATF standards.","Bahrain fully implented FATF recommendatins. Morocco and Jordan lag behind","https://doi.org/10.1108/JMLC-01-2020-0010",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Nance, M.",2018,"The Regime That FATF Built: An Introduction to The Financial Action Task Force","Crime, Law and Social Change",null,"Springer ",null,69,"109-129","This article serves to introduce this special issue of Crime, Law, & Social Change on the Financial Action Task Force (FATF). It provides a primer on the history and purpose of FATF and lays out some of the central debates over FATF and the anti-money laundering (AML) regime. Finally, as a way of giving readers an overview of the articles in the special issue, it proposes a series of themes that academics and practitioners should consider in future research and work with FATF.","FATF is an effective multilateral forum for deterng money laundering ","https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9747-6",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x"]
["Nance, M.",2018,"Re-Thinking FATF: An Experimentalist Interpretation of The Financial Action Task Force","Crime, Law and Social Change",null,"Springer ",null,69,"131-152","Most explanations of the Financial Action Task Force argue that materialcoercion plays a key role in the consolidation and diffusion of the global anti-moneylaundering regime. This paper looks carefully at the decision-making within FATF andargues that, at its most impactful, FATF operates in line with the principles ofBexperimentalist governance.^Experimentalism emphasizes broad, participatory stan-dard setting, contextualized implementation, intensive but diagnostic monitoring, androutinized updating in light of experience. The paper discusses the differences betweenthe more common understandings of FATF before laying out the principles of exper-imentalist governance. It outlines the experimentalist form of FATF decision-making. Itthen provides evidence of experimentalist decision-making in three important aspectsof FATF: the evolution of blacklisting; the role of monitoring; and the continuingimplementation of the risk-based approach.","FATF operates in line with the principles of experimentalist governance. This entails broard participation to set standards and intensive diagnostic monitoring and routine updates","https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-017-9748-5",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Nanyun, N. & Nasiri, A.",2021,"Role Of FATF On financial Systems of Countries: Successes and Challenges","Journal of Money Laundering Control",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",24,2,"234-245","Purpose–This paper aims to examine the extent of successes and challenges of adoption andimplementation of Financial Action Task Force (FATF) codes in member states by highlighting the influenceof the FATF anti-money laundering policy framework on money laundering (ML) and the way forward inheightening thefight against the fast-evolving nature of ML and terroristfinancing activities.Design/methodology/approach–This paper, based on a purely qualitative desktop study, is drawn onhistorical information from FATF’s recommendations, its periodic reports, publications and other secondarysources such as books, journal articles onfinancial systems and scholarly literature.Findings–The challenges found include difficulty in domestic coordination, capacity constraints ofcountries, inadequate operational resources and assessment complexities in the implementation of FATFstandards. Nonetheless, FATF has chalked some successes such as the harmonization of legislation andenforcement efforts through the provision of coordination points. Other successes includeflexibility inresponse to new threats, adoption of the mutual evaluation process, which advanced peer pressure ondefaulting members, enhancement of the internationalfinancial space and the enhancement of thelegitimization of FATF’s processes.Originality/value–This paper provides a description of the successes and challenges of the FATF’s40þ9recommendations since its establishment. The outcome would alert countries and players within theinternationalfinancial space to invest more in capacity building and the entrenchment of the recommendationsinto their domestic laws.","Capacity constraints affect the implementation  of FATF recommendations in many countries ","https://doi.org/10.1108/JMLC-06-2020-0070",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Nilssen, A., Lundholm, K. & Vagberg, E.",2013,"Study On SIDA's Work on Human Rights of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender and Intersex Persons",null,null,"SIDA",{"$nulls":3},"This study aims at taking stock of developments and results so far,\ndescribe the present situation and observed successes and challenges with regard to SIDA's support for the rights of LGBTI through its interventions. It can be concluded that LGBTI specific initiatives continued to\ngrow in funding and numbers until 2011 when stagnation can be noted. The main results of the Swedish support have been: a) Increased capacity of the LGBTI movement globally, regionally and in some countries, b) Increased mainstreaming of LGBTI issues in general programmes. c) Sweden has gained a position as a leading donor when it comes to experience of\nmethods on how to include LGBTI rights in development cooperation. The success factors reported are; the high level political commitment\nby the Swedish government, the broad approaches taken by embassies\nand organisations – combining political dialogue, cultural events and\norganisational support, the opening up of space for LGBTI organisations and activists to participate in mainstream human rights work, the\nefforts taken to listen to and support the locally defined agenda and to\ninvolve LGBTI activists in shaping the programmes, the regional\napproach taken in support of activists in repressive countries, the long\nterm and flexible engagement, and the core support to key actors, and the existence of committed staff\nmembers in organisations and embassies, who are open to\nopportunities.","the most prominent results of the Swedish support have been the strengthening of the LGBTI movement globally, regionally and in some countries. There are also examples of the Swedish support contributing to government policy shifts. E.g. In Burkina Faso, human rights of LGBTI persons are being highlighted in the follow up of recommendations made by the UN Council\nfor Human Rights on the UPR. The embassy indicates that this was\na result of Swedish and Danish dialogue.","https://cdn.sida.se/publications/files/sida61697en-study-on-sidas-work-on-human-rights-of-lesbian-gay-bisexual-transgender-and-intersex-persons.pdf",null,null,"x","x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"Sweden","x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Nogueira, M.",2017,"The Promotion of LGBT Rights as International Human Rights Norms: Explaining Brazil’s Diplomatic Leadership","Global Governance",null,null,23,null,"545-563","One of the greatest contemporary challenges in human rights norm making is defining the protection against discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity, and gender expression as an international standard. In an unusually polarized structure, the approval of a few resolutions on the rights of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transvestite, transsexual, and transgender persons has engendered intense negotiation within international organizations, which has been largely promoted by Brazil. By expanding the analytical parameters of the literature on norm entrepreneurship to the study of foreign policy, the article analyzes Brazil’s international leadership on LGBT rights, explaining the origins, motivations, and results of the country’s proactive stance on the issue. ","Brazil’s interest in leading the LGBT rights agenda, which was\nmodestly triggered by individual initiative, evolved into a stronger manifestation of the country’s identity as a human rights promoter with the active engagement of different actors at domestic and international levels. Human rights foreign policy has\nbecome an alternative route in which social movements attempt to compensate\nfor the difficulty in promoting certain sensitive topics at home. In this sense,\nthe case of LGBT rights is similar to the one on sexual and reproductive rights,\nwhere Brazil is also a prominent player in the international effort to include\nthese rights in the Cairo agenda while being virtually unable to advance the\nissue within domestic institutions.\n66 On the other hand, the uniqueness of the\ncase rests in the widespread international mobilization and recognition that resulted from a mere draft resolution presented by Brazil that was not even\nadopted by the UN Commission. Brazil’s entrepreneurship was boosted by the\nunusually contentious nature of the normative development of LGBT rights,\nwhich overly values each new international document even if it carries a modest weight in terms of international law.\nFinally, the case also displays the vocation of Global South states in\nadvancing new international norms and principles, and the encouragement provided by Western countries that this protagonism be maintained. An emerging trend is being observed where the leadership\nof Southern states in sensitive issues such as racism, sexual and reproductive\nrights, and LGBT rights is being praised and supported by countries of the\nWestern bloc as being more legitimate as well as effective in terms of galvanizing international adherence.","https://brill.com/view/journals/gg/23/4/article-p545_3.xml",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"Brazil","x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Nxumalo, N., & Fagbayibo, B.",2020,"An Evaluation of South Africa’s Gender Norms on Governance and Leadership Within the Context of Aspiration 6 Of Agenda 2063","Prototypical Women and Social Justice",null,null,34,4,"90-97","At both national and international levels, various efforts have been geared towards ensuring gender equality and increasing the participation of women in political and developmental goals. The African Union (AU) adopted Agenda 2063 in 2015. The Agenda sets a blueprint for the holistic development of Africa’s people, with its Aspiration 6 specifically directed at uplifting women and youth. In terms of Aspiration 6, the goal is to achieve holistic empowerment of women within the next 50 years. As a first step in realising this goal, it mandates AU member states to obtain a 50/50 gender representation in decision-making capacity at governance and leadership levels by 2023. This profile aims to evaluate the feasibility of this goal in the South African context. It argues that its realisation in South Africa will require deliberate normative and institutional interventions that enhance both quantitative and qualitative representation of women in critical decision-making capacities.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/10130950.2020.1820351",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":6},"South Africa",null,"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",null,null,"x"]
["O'Dwyer, C.",2018,"The Benefits of Backlash: EU Accession and The Organization of LGBT Activism in Post-communist Poland and The Czech Republic.","East European Politics and Societies.",null,"Sage",32,4,"892-923","How can we explain variation in the organization of LGBT activism in postcommunist Europe, both across countries and over time? Much of the extant scholarship has analyzed the comparative politics of homosexuality in the region in terms of transnational norm diffusion occurring within the context of EU accession and integration. Thus, it emphasizes the empowerment of domestic gay rights groups either through maximizing the leverage of their external allies or through increasing their linkage with transnational advocacy networks. This paper argues that the effectiveness of these diffusion mechanisms is strongly constrained by the collective action problems faced by gay rights activists in societies with a legacy of civil society underdevelopment, such as in postcommunist Europe. We argue that hard-right backlash is a critical domestic factor that can help overcome these collective action problems, enabling gay rights activists to find resonant frames, build internal solidarity, and win allies—even when social movement resources are minimal. The research focuses on a close comparison of Poland and the Czech Republic since 1989 and draws on field interviews and original sources to process-trace the resonance of LGBT rights frames and how activism is organized. By building organizationally robust activism, postcommunist gay rights movements lay claim to full membership in the political community, exercise civil rights as LGBT citizens (not merely as private ones), and expand the sphere of “sexual citizenship.”",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/epub/10.1177/0888325418762051 ",null,"x",null,"x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["OECD",2000,"Review To Identify Non-Cooperative Countries or Territories:  Increasing Worldwide Effectiveness of Anti-Money Laundering Measures","Financial Market Trends",null,null,2000,2,"77-104","On February 14, 2000, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) published an initial report on the issue of non-cooperative countries and territories in the international fight against money laundering. At its plenary meeting on June 20-22, 2000, the FATF approved this report. Section one of this report summarizes the review process. In section two, the report briefly described the findings with respect to the jurisdictions studied. Section three highlights issues that were raised during the process that warrant further consideration by the FATF. Section four outlines future steps to be taken and identifies 15 countries or territories which are viewed by the FATF as non-cooperative in the fight against money laundering","FATF is in dialogue with uncopreatyive states. It is difficult to  force compliance.","https://www.proquest.com/trade-journals/review-identify-non-cooperative-countries/docview/224602197/se-2",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":13},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["OECD",2017,"Black Money Flow in Developing Nations Quite high: Report","Governance Now; Noida",null,"Athena Information Solutions Pvt. Ltd.",{"$nulls":3},"GFI's measures of illicit financial flows stem from two sources: (1) deliberate misinvoicing in merchandise trade(the source of GFI's low and high estimates), and (2) leakages in the balance of payments (also known as \"hotmoney flows\"). Government authorities should adopt and fully implement all of the Financial Action Task Force's(FATF) anti-money laundering recommendations; laws already in place should be strongly enforced. 3. Customsagencies should treat trade transactions involving a tax haven with the highest level of scrutiny. [...]governmentsshould significantly boost their customs enforcement by equipping and training officers to better detectintentional misinvoicing of trade transactions, particularly through access to the most recently available worldmarket pricing information at a detailed commodity level. 6. ","Need more tranparency in global markets. MNCs must report on porfits by country. ","https://www.proquest.com/magazines/black-money-flow-developing-nations-quite-high/docview/2151730976/se-2?accountid=8630",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["OECD",2017,"Fighting Tax Crime: The Ten Global Principles","OECD report","Paris","OECD",{"$nulls":3},"The guide shows that the fight against tax crime is being actively pursued by governments around the\nworld. Jurisdictions have comprehensive laws that criminalise tax offences, and the ability to apply strong\npenalties, including lengthy prison sentences, substantial fines, asset forfeiture and a range of alternative\nsanctions. Jurisdictions generally have a wide range of investigative and enforcement powers as well as\naccess to relevant data and intelligence. Suspects’ rights are nearly universally understood in the same\nway and enshrined in law.","Jurisdictions must benchmark their performance of implementing the OECD ten priciples for fighting tax crime against each other","https://doi.org/10.1787/63530cd2-en",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["O'Keefe, I.",2018,"Hands-On Help:  Establishing A Mutual Legal Assistance Task Force to Facilitate enforcement Of Laws Effective Under the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention","The George Washington International Law Review",null,null,50,3,"679-706","The recently-discovered Petrobras scandal involves hundreds of millions of dollars in contracts and corruption stemming up through the most senior government officials, demonstrating that corruption is an ongoing issue. The ongoing Lava Jato or \"Operation Car Wash\" investigation into Petrobras, a state-owned oil company, reveals the complexity, severity, and pervasiveness of corruption. There, a minor investigation into money laundering turned into what may become the largest corruption investigation in history.4At the center of the controversy is Petrobras, a company that generates approximately $85 billion in annual revenue.\n\nThe Petrobras scandal has entangled forty-nine members of Brazil's legislature, including the Senate President and the President of the House of Representatives, as well as two former presidents. Also involved are at least twenty-five companies, including many offshore companies such as Rolls Royce, SBM Offshore, Maersk, and branches of Kawasaki and Mitsubishi which, along with domestic companies, were part of a bribery scheme that provided an estimated tens of billions of dollars in kickbacks to government officials.\n\n\n\nThis Note introduces the concept of corruption, addresses the details relating to the implementation of signatory state laws enacted as a result of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions (Anti-Bribery Convention), and examines the continuing efforts of the OECD Working Group on Bribery (WGB). The WGB focuses on international bribery of foreign officials-one type of corruption. This Note also addresses the implementation of national laws through the lens of the OECD monitoring and through the reports of other international groups working to eliminate the bribery of foreign officials. This Note then addresses the issues associated with enforcement, with a strong emphasis placed on the current state of mutual legal assistance (MLA) between nations. Next, this Note evaluates multijurisdictional investigations and prosecutions, which have increased in recent years. In light of the foregoing, this Note proposes the creation of a task force dedicated to increasing positive interactions regarding MLA requests. A proposed structure for the task force is suggested through comparison to other international organizations, with a particular focus on the structure of the U.N. Security Council. This Note then looks at practical ways the task force could be used to facilitate the exchange of mutual legal information. Finally, this Note concludes by addressing some criticisms of the proposal, including the costs associated with the proposal and jurisdictional concerns.","Implementation of the OECD anti-bribery convention resulted in changes to national legistation and fines for MNCs.  USA and Germany are main enforcers","https://www.proquest.com/docview/2393081889?pq-origsite=gscholar&fromopenview=true",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x","Fines"]
["Ostebo, M.T.",2015,"Translations Of Gender Equality Among Rural Arsi Oromo in Ethiopia","Development and Change",null,null,46,3,"442-463","How are global policies on women's rights and gender equality translated into local contexts and who are the translators in this process? This article describes and analyses contradictory and competing translations of gender equality in two districts in Ethiopia. Two main strands of translations are identified: ‘gender experts’ in the government's gender machinery emphasize the importance of changing the gendered division of labour while the ‘grassroots’ underscore the importance of collaborative work and mutual agreement through conjugal dialogue. Although these translations are similar in terms of their focus on labour, they represent fundamentally different visions of gender equality, the first reflecting a vision of equality as sameness, the latter ideals of gender complementarity. Rather than presenting one or both translations as examples of resistance against or misinterpretation of gender equality, I argue that contemporary theories of translation and discursively informed theories on global norm diffusion offer perspectives that allow us to recognize the potential of contestations in meaning creation. This opens up the translational space as the ‘grassroots’ are recognized as translators.",null,"https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/dech.12159",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Ethiopia",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Özbilgin, M.F., Syed, J., Ali, F., & Torunoglu, D.",2012,"International Transfer of Policies and Practices of Gender Equality in Employment to And Among Muslim Majority Countries","Journal of Gender, Work and Organisation",null,null,19,4,"345-369","This article investigates the premise that it is possible to transpose organizational approaches to equal employment opportunity (EEO) from western countries to Muslim majority countries (MMCs). Drawing on policy interviews and documentary evidence from public sector organizations and international development agencies engaged in the promotion of gender equality in Turkey and Pakistan, we question the effectiveness of diffusion of gender equality policies and practices to and among these two MMCs. Our investigation reveals the primacy of context over essence in developing effective ways to construct EEO policies and practices which can be adopted in MMCs.","The investigation reveals the primacy of specific national contexts over religious essence in the constuction of equal employment opportunities.Owing  to  its  process  of  modernization  and  westernization,  which  havebrought  about  wide-reaching  social  and  cultural  reforms  since  the  early1920s, the EEO practices in Turkey today are largely based on the Europeanideals of gender equality. With its current efforts to join the European Union(EU),  Turkey  is  undergoing  another  significant  phase  of  Europeanizationthrough  which  it  is  aligning  its  legal  and  cultural  frames  to  EEO  to  theEuropean standards, which are popularly termed the Copenhagen criteria.This  requires  Turkey  to  transpose  all  current  EU  legislation  on  EEO  to  itsnational jurisprudence. However, a comprehensive study by Tanet al.,(2008)recently showed that the current government in Turkey is slow in enactingand promoting of many of the prescribed policies. "," https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0432.2010.00515.x",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Popa, G.",2012,"International Cooperation in The Struggle Against Trans-Border Organized Crime and Money Laundering","Contemporary Readings in Law and Social Justice",null,"Addleton Academic Publishers",4,2,"575-578","This paper aims at revealing the cooperation between the countries of the world in combating money laundering and trans-border organized crime, whichis one of the most important issues present days.Obviously, money laundering crime and its related crimes are part of transnational organized crime. For this reason, the activities of the state agencies to prevent and sanction such crimes always require the adoption of new strategies and methods to follow up the operators engaged in international money laundering.","Countries work together to stop money laundering ","https://link.gale.com/apps/doc/A321579696/AONE?u=googlescholar&sid=bookmark-AONE&xid=20e4ee10",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Popov-Momcinovic, Z., & Meier, L.",2022,"Women’s Civil Society Organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina as Local Agents of International Conventions on Women’s Rights. An Analysis of Challenges Related to The Process of Norm Diffusion.","Soziapolitik. Ch Journal",null,null,1,null,"1-21","Women’s rights have increasingly become an international concern and various international conventions on women’s rights came into being in the last decades. Bosnia-Herzegovina has signed and ratified all important international conventions relating to women’s rights, whereas the numerous women's civil society organizations continue to advocate for the proper implementation of conventions while helping women to claim their rights guaranteed in these conventions and locally enacted laws on gender equality. This article, based on interviews conducted between August 2020 and June 2021 with members of women's civil society organizations in Bosnia-Herzegovina, takes a closer look at the process of norm diffusion. In particular, this article aims to contribute to the understanding of the processes of norm implementation and the related challenges from the perspective of women’s civil society organizations in the specific context of Bosnia-Herzegovina.","There are “significant domestic factors as for instance, nationalism, religion, political party institutionalization, and politics that can affect and present challenges to the process of norm diffusion” (Swimelar 2017:917). In accordance with the UN Beijing Platform for Action, WCSOs in Bosnia-Herzegovina started to lobby for the introduction of gender quotas before and during the parliamentary elections in 1998. Since then, Bosnia-Herzegovina has made important steps in developing strategic documents such as different Gender Action Plans ","https://www.sozialpolitik.ch/article/content/480/show/195",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":4},"Bosnia-Hezegovnia",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Rainer, E.",2022,"Global Norms Diffusion of LGBTI Diplomacy","The Hague Journal of Diplomacy",null,null,17,null,"588-610","This article examines the genesis of LGBTI diplomacy across ministries of foreign affairs (MFA s). Examining primarily Sweden and the United States, insights are provided into early LGBTI diplomatic adoption in the 2000 s. It analyses how foreign policy leaders have peer-pressured, inspired and influenced another, and continue to do so, to include LGBTI rights into their foreign policy agendas. As a former US diplomat and scholar, the author utilises primary source data and high-level interviews from the US, Sweden and the EU. Findings indicate that Swedish diplomats played a unique role in norm entrepreneurship in the development of global LGBTI diplomacy. Diplomats across North America and the EU replicated Sweden’s policy framing and programmatic strategies for global LGBTI rights. From the State Department side, once US diplomats joined the small community of nations engaged in LGBTI diplomacy, US political influence served to legitimise and further prioritise LGBTI rights across global institutions.","Both the US and Swedish MFA s have played a significant role in the socialisation of new international diplomatic norms towards addressing LGBTI equality. Swedish leaders were often the first to raise the issue of LGBTI abuses in\ninternational venues such as the UN and thus played a unique norm entrepreneurial role on the issue. The Swedish government provided the US State\nDepartment and other governments a blueprint of programmatic work and\naided the US to commence a similar human rights foreign policy. Leaders in\nMFA s in North America and the EU emulated Sweden’s policy framing, justifications and programmatic funding for global LGBTI rights. Moreover, data\ngarnered in this research demonstrates that large governments might not have\ncommenced LGBTI diplomacy without Sweden undertaking these diplomatic\nactions first. After 2011, once the US joined\nglobal LGBTI diplomatic efforts, they provided international legitimisation, high funding levels and international socialisation to this new human rights norm. As the largest\nplayer in the international community, when the US began LGBTI diplomacy, it led to increased legitimisation of other donor countries and broader international elations. The diplomatic norms and standards set by the US and Swedish MFA s continue to impact foreign policy agendas, influencing more governments to commence formal LGBTI diplomacy.","https://brill.com/view/journals/hjd/17/3/article-p588_9.xml?ebody=Abstract%2FExcerpt#access-options2",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":9},"Sweden and USA","x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x"]
["Ramparsad, N.",2021,"Gender Mainstreaming in The South African State, 25 Years Post Beijing","Empowering Women for Gender Equality",null,null,35,2,"25-36","The article investigates the South African State’s (in)ability to effectively mainstream gender as a strategy for gender equality. Despite having ratified the Beijing Platform for Action, the gender agenda seems to be elusive when assessing the implementation of policy for gender equality. The major theoretical question being addressed is “What are the factors that enable and/or constrain the implementation of gender equality in countries that have formally committed to this goal?” The Department of Public Service and Administration has been selected as the case study for this research, as this Ministry is allocated the responsibility for the management of policy implementation and setting standards for the implementation of gender mainstreaming in South African State departments. Despite the official support expressed by the State in ratifying the Beijing Platform for Action and the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), this has largely resulted in a bureaucratic response to compliance rather than implementation. While the article builds on the work of feminist theorists and authors like Hassim, Moser, Cornwall, Kabeer, Gouws and Rao et al., this larger body of theoretical research does not drill down into the barriers the State faces. The article furthers research on the role of political will in the enablement or disablement of gender mainstreaming in the State. The article puts forward the argument that political will, situated within policy implementation, the national gender machinery and in civil society, is the overriding factor in enabling the mainstreaming of gender within the South African State",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/10130950.2021.1918007?journalCode=ragn20",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"South Africa",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Reid, L.",2021,"Peace Agreements and Women’s Political Rights Following Civil War","Journal of Peace Research",null,null,58,6,"1224-1238","Approximately one-quarter of civil war peace agreements contain some reference to gender, prompting the question of whether or not gender provisions within peace agreements are effective tools for improving women’s rights following conflict. As calls by the United Nations and the international community place increasing emphasis on women’s involvement in peace processes, this article generates insight into whether peace agreements, a key component of peace processes, help to spur greater political rights for women. The theoretical expectations of the article posit that peace agreements generate legal frameworks for post-conflict states. Specifically, peace agreements have the potential to tie actors’ hands to new policies and generate shifts in societal norms and practices; the direction of new policies and practices, however, is dependent on the contents of agreements. When agreements are gender-inclusive, they increase the likelihood of improvements in women’s political rights. The expectations are quantitatively tested using civil war peace agreements signed between 1981 and 2011. The findings indicate that the content of agreements matters; gender-inclusive agreements lay the foundations for improvements in women’s political rights following conflict. The article demonstrates that peace agreements, when crafted to include gender provisions, are meaningful tools that international and domestic actors can harness to strengthen women’s rights after civil war.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0022343320972748",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Robinson, E.C.",2013,"The Arab Spring: A Litmus Test for The EU's Women's Right Policy in The Euro-Mediterranean Area",null,"Bruges","United Nations University and College of Europe",{"$nulls":3},"The promotion of women's rights is described as a priority within the external action of the European Union (EU). As a result of the Arab Spring uprisings which have been ongoing since 2011, democracy and human rights have been pushed to the forefront of European policy towards the Euro-Mediterranean region. The EU could capitalise on these transformations to help positively reshape gender relations or it could fail to adapt. Thus, the Arab Spring can be seen to serve as a litmus test for the EU's women's rights policy. This paper examines how and to what extent the EU diffuses women's rights in this region, by using Ian Manners' 'Normative Power Europe' as the conceptual framework. It argues that while the EU tries to behave as a normative force for women's empowerment by way of 'informational diffusion', 'transference' 'procedural diffusion' and 'overt diffusion'; its efforts could, and should, be strengthened. There are reservations over the EU's credibility, choice of engagement and its commitment in the face of security and ideological concerns. Moreover, it seems that the EU focuses more intently on women's political rights than on their social and economic freedoms",null,"https://collections.unu.edu/view/UNU:1370",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"Theoretical; policy analysis",null,null,"x","x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4}," Euro-Mediterranean region; Egypt; Tunisia","x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Saiget, M.",2022,"The UN: A (De) Politicising Third Party? Mediations And Conflicts in The Establishment of The National Women’s Forum in Burundi (2012-2014)","Critique Internationale",null,null,94,1,"123-145","Between 2012 and 2014, the establishment of the National Women’s Forum was the subject of considerable controversy in Burundi, pitting women’s associations against the country’s ruling party. UN Women, which was one of the main donors of the Forum, was taken to task. This case study addresses the issue of the participation of international organisations in the (de)politicisation of women’s representation in a country that has experienced armed conflict. Against the hypothesis of a single depoliticisation, I show, by mobilising the notion of a third party with varying roles, that the actions of the UN agency are more equivocal. Indeed, UN Women first stood as a structuring third party in the conflict relating to this issue, reactivating a long-standing dispute between political institutions and women’s associations; then it served as a neutral third party, seeking to neutralise antagonisms by mobilising universal norms; finally, it acted as an excluded third party, when – unrecognised as a mediator – it reopened a space for debates on the rights and duties of the state, civil society, and the international community in representing women and defending their claims.",null,"https://www.cairn-int.info/article.php?ID_ARTICLE=E_CRII_094_0126",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Burundi","x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Sanders, R.",2018,"Norm Spoiling: Undermining the International Women's Rights Agenda ","International Affairs",null,null,94,2,"271-291","Women's social, economic and political equality and reproductive freedom have been rhetorically embraced by a majority of countries that have ratified international human rights treaties. At the same time, conservative states and non-state actors have waged a concerted campaign to undermine these principles at the United Nations. In this article, I trace the dynamics of what I call the strategy of norm spoiling. Norm spoiling is the process through which actors directly challenge existing norms with the aim of weakening their influence. Although utilizing traditional tools of norm entrepreneurship and human rights advocacy, it has distinctive characteristics. The reactionary nature of norm spoiling means norm challengers do not need to consolidate and institutionalize support for alternative norms in order to advance their agenda. Instead, they can frustrate and destabilize target norms through protracted efforts to block their development and diffusion. Moreover, because spoilers are united by shared antipathies rather than by a substantive vision of politics, spoiling coalitions are composed of unnatural and even counter-intuitive allies. Throughout the article, I document tactics used by women's rights spoilers as well as their impact on international treaties, declarations and related policies. Women's rights advocates would be wise to recognize these trends in order to defend progressive gains.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/ia/article-abstract/94/2/271/4925113?redirectedFrom=fulltext&login=false",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x",null,"x"]
["Sanin, J. R.",2020,"Criminalizing Violence Against Women in Politics: Innovation, Diffusion, And Transformation","Journal of Politics and Gender",null,null,18,1,"1-32","Violence against women politicians is increasingly recognized as an issue that undermines women's presence in politics. Latin America has been at the vanguard of this global discussion. In 2012, Bolivia became the only country in the world to criminalize “political violence and harassment against women.” Several other countries have similar legislation in the works. What explains the emergence of these bill proposals? This article argues that the creation of these bills is the result of three processes: activism at the local level used international norms to propose an innovative solution to a problem; women politicians and “femocrats” worked within the state apparatus to overcome resistance; and international actors worked to foster connections among activists and politicians across the region. In this process, international norms have been transformed, with important implications for women's political representation.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/abs/criminalizing-violence-against-women-in-politics-innovation-diffusion-and-transformation/D940136A274FB47381EB286E88D2793B",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",null,"Bolivia","x","x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x","x","x","x","x"]
["Satterthwaite, M.",2005,"Crossing Borders, Claiming Rights: Using Human Rights Law to Empower Women Migrant Workers","Yale Human Rights & Development Law Journal",null,null,8,null,"1-66","This Article considers the impact of the Migrant Workers Convention on the human rights of women migrants. While the adoption of a convention targeting abuses against migrant workers is a significant development in international human rights law, the author cautions that its specialized nature might be perceived as a limitation on the obligations that states owe to women migrants. The author warns against traditional, singlevariable, compartmentalization of human rights treaties that would make the Migrant Workers Convention the only applicable human rights tool to women migrants, and, instead, advocates an intersectional approach. Using intersectionality, the author shows that many of the major human rights treaties can be invoked on behalf of the empowerment of migrant workers. While advocates and scholars should welcome the Migrant Workers' Convention as an interpretive tool and as a potential site for the development of best practices, they should also refocus their attention on the entire range of human rights treaties, and consider the ways in which the rights of women migrants are already included in the panoply of standards set out in those instruments",null,"https://heinonline.org/HOL/Page?handle=hein.journals/yhurdvl8&div=2&id=&page=&collection=journals",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,"x"]
["Schroeder, W.R.",2001,"Money Laundering a Global Threat and The International Community's Response","FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin",null,null,70,5,"1-9","Generally, money laundering is \"the process by which one conceals the existence, illegal source, or illegal application of income and then disguises that income to make it appear legitimate.\" The three-stage process of money laundering first involves the placement of proceeds derived from illegal activities from the scene of the crime to a place or into a form less suspicious and more convenient for the criminal. \"Layering\" constitutes the second stage of the laundering process and involves the separation of proceeds from the illegal source through the use of complex transactions designed to obscure the audit trail and hide the proceeds. \"Integration,\" the third stage of money laundering, consists of the conversion of illegal proceeds into apparently legitimate business earnings through normal financial or commercial operations. Money laundering has become a global problem due to the confluence of the growth in international trade, the expansion in international trade, the expansion of the global financial system, the lowering of barriers to international travel, and the surge in the internationalization of organized crime. Efforts by governments to address money laundering have been ongoing for over 10 years. The international response to laundering has taken a number of forms, including multilateral treaties, regional agreements, international organizations, and the identification of universal counterlaundering measures. This article concludes with an overview of the United States' response to global money laundering, the anti-money-laundering provisions of the 1988 Vienna Convention and the Strasbourg Convention of 1990, and the Financial Action Task Force recommendations (a task force established by the governments of the Group of Seven). 43 notes","To pursue the evidentiary trail of a money launderer, law enforcement agencies must identify and use tools and techniques that can help them when crossing international boundaries. Multilateral agreements that require participants to As a part of its ongoing efforts to combat money laundering, the FATF prepares annual laundering typology reports and conducts mutual in-depth evaluations of each member’s antilaundering regimes. Consistent with its continuing oversight role and its efforts to identify key antimoney laundering weaknesses throughout the world, the FATF approved a report on the issue of noncooperative countries and territories in the international effort © PhotoDisc 8 / FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin adopt antilaundering measures and the regional and world organizations that have developed and encouraged a standardized approach to addressing laundering all have contributed to the strides made in addressing the challenges posed.","https://leb.fbi.gov/file-repository/archives/may01leb.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x"]
["Seckinelgin, H.",2018,"Same Sex Lives Between the Language of International LGBT Rights, International Aid and Anti-Homosexuality.","Global Social Policy",null,null,48,2,null,"This article considers how international development aid is used in engaging with sexuality rights in Africa. It considers both the emergence of LGBT rights as aid conditionality in international aid relations and responses to these from African political leaders. The central issue identified is that political leaders for and against these rights have marginalized and ignored voices of the sexually diverse people in their engagements in African settings. Here, a problem emerges that people’s own claims for rights are subsumed within the broader agendas set by politicians at international and national levels. This article analyses these relations and their outcomes for activists and civil society groups in diverse African settings by considering the language of LGBT rights used by international political actors and the ways in which African political leaders develop their own language on the issue.","This article considers the role of LGBT rights as a condition for international development aid in Africa. It focuses on the language used in policy debates on international LGBT rights and argues that the language creates meanings and categories. Around 2010 the trial and conviction of two homosexual men in Malawi, an anti-homosexuality bill in the Ugandan Parliament and acts of violence against LGBT people in Senegal, Cameroon and South Africa provoked strong censure from international community, particularly in public statements made by Hillary Clinton, Barack Obama and Ban Ki Moon. Later at the Commonwealth Heads of Government in Perth, Australia the British Prime Minister, David Cameron, suggested that LGBT rights might become a prerequisite for countries to receive UK aid. Such a position poses many challenges for the United Kingdom’s relationship with many African countries. The United States appeared to be a moving in a similar direction In 2013 USAID announced a new initiative under the title of “A New LGBT Global Development Partnership”. The UK Department for International Development was trying to engage African governments on the issue of LGBT rights. In response African governments such as Uganda publicly asserted their sovereignty. African presidents rejected the notion that they should decriminalise homosexuality. However, the language used in this debate creates categories which restrict the context within which African activists with diverse sexual orientation and gender identities can be vocal. There is too much focus on legal recognition and change rather than the social change which is a necessary prerequisite for supporting legal developments. Moreover, the priorities of local LGBT organisations and activists should be given due consideration by international actors.","http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/89703/1/Seckinelgin_Same-sex-lives_Accepted.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Shah, S., Shah, S. & Khan, S.",2006,"Governance Of Money Laundering: An Application of The Principal-Agent Model","The Pakistan Development Review","Pakistan",null,45,4,"1117-1133","In this model we evaluate the strategy of the principal (international financial regime) by making laws and procedure and effectiveness of the network of money transaction to minimise transactions of money through the mechanism of money laundering. With the application of present value method of cost and returns to agents and clients, a payoff matrix is developed. The present strategy of the principal seems sub-optimal to involve informal agents and clients in anti-money laundering measures. Thus, there is a need to review the strategy for the involvement of informal agents and clients through further incentives.","Principals and agents should cooperate to reduce money laundering ","http://www.jstor.org/stable/41260672",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Shanthosh, J., Muvva, K., Woodward, M., Vijeyarasa, R., & Palagyi, A.",2022,"Assessing The Reach, Scope and Outcomes of Government Action on Women’s Health and Human Rights: A Protocol for The Development of An International Women’s Rights Dataset","International Journal of Qualitative Methods",null,null,21,null,"1-10","The UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) represents an international commitment to equality in the enjoyment of human rights. International human rights scholars posit that, in facilitating constructive dialogues between states and human rights experts, the near-universally ratified Convention is a powerful tool for achieving global health goals, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Yet, the performance of such rights-based approaches in achieving gender equality, and empowering all women, has not been systematically measured and evaluated on a global scale. This study seeks to address the urgent need to support data-driven analyses to hold governments to account through the development of a global dataset measuring state action on women’s health and human rights.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/16094069221114741",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Sharman, J.C.",2009,"The Bark Is the Bite: International Organizations and Blacklisting","Review of International Political Economy",null,null,16,4,"573-596","This article argues that public blacklisting by international organizations canbe an effective means of bringing about compliance in otherwise recalcitrantstates. This contention is examined in light of overlapping campaigns by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development and the Finan-cial Action Task Force to pressure targeted states to adopt costly financialreforms. In a constructivist vein, blacklisting is held to be a form of speech actthat changed the world by damaging states’ reputations among investors,and thus produced pressure to comply through actual or anticipated capitalflight. To be removed from blacklists, thereby preventing future economicdamage, those targeted have had to comply with stringent regulatory stan-dards mandated by these international organizations. Evidence is taken frominterviews, press accounts, official documents and quantitative data relatingto seven affected tax havens as well as Austria and Switzerland.","Blacklisting is an effective means of enforcement","https://doi.org/10.1080/09692290802403502",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Sheldon, S.",2008,"ASEAN And Multilateralism: The Long, Bumpy Road to Community"," Contemporary Southeast Asia",null,"OECD",30,2,"264-292","Of the three Asian subregions - Northeast, Southeast and South - Southeast Asia is the only one that contains no Great Power. Yet Southeast Asian states have originated most Asian regional organizations, and Southeast Asian procedures acquired through ASEAN determine their processes. The \"ASEAN Way\", emphasizing consensus, non-interference in members' internal affairs and voluntary enforcement of regional decisions have characterized these bodies, insuring at bottom that they reinforce sovereignty protection. Nevertheless, ASEAN's expansion in the 1990s to include Vietnam, Laos, Myanmar and Cambodia incorporated states whose harsh domestic politics were seen by several of the Association's original members to be undermining its international stature. Additionally, coping with terrorism in the new century has also led to some erosion of the non-interference norm. Transnational cooperation is now essential to each nation's security because terrorist groups cross-national borders, and egregious human rights practices in one country can lead to refugees fleeing into neighbouring countries. ASEAN's new November 2007 Charter constitutes an effort to move beyond sovereignty protection to economic, political-security and socio-cultural communities by 2020. The Charter also commits its signatories to democracy (for the first time) and human rights. Other regional organizations dominated by ASEAN procedures include the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) for security discussions, ASEAN+3 (Japan, South Korea and China) for economic matters, and the East Asian Summit (EAS) which added Australia, New Zealand and India to the ASEAN+3. Dialogues in these groups cover the gamut of Asian international relations. Perhaps their greatest utility is as venues for national leaders to discuss pressing issues on the sidelines of these gatherings","ASEAN is more succesful with consensus on security than on money laundering ","https://doi.org/10.1355/cs30-2e",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Silveira, A.",2009,"The International Standards on Combating Money Laundering: A Brazilian Perspective",null,null,"George Washington University",{"$nulls":3},"This Paper will seek to analyze, from a Brazilian perspective, the standards for\nthe combat to money laundering contained in the Recommendations of the Financial\nAction Task Force – FATF and those set forth by the relevant United Nations\nconventions: (i) United Nations Convention Against Illicit Traffic in Narcotic Drugs\nand Psychotropic Substances, (also know as Vienna Convention); (ii) United Nations\nConvention against Transnational Organized Crime (also known as Palermo\nConvention); and (iii) United Nations Convention against Corruption (also known as\nMerida Convention).\n The analysis will be done by the study of the FATF Recommendations and of\nthe relevant conventions, from the perspective of the Brazilian legal enforcement\nframework on combating money laundering. The similarities, differences and crossinfluence among those instruments will be discussed. Also, it may be found that, even if\nthe FATF Recommendations are of a non-mandatory nature, the impact of these “soft\nlaw” standards in the Brazilian experience and law enforcement framework is even\ngreater than that of the conventional obligations.\n This Paper is not intended to evaluate the Brazilian adherence to its international\ncommitments or to enter into deep detail of the matters it discusses, due to the typical\ncouple of dozen pages length of a Minerva Paper and to the respective time constraints.\nInstead, selected facts will be collaged and discussed, hopefully collaborating for a\nreflection on the relevant international sources of the Brazilian anti-money laundering\nsystem and briefly commenting on the near future developments of that system. ","Brazil partipates in a regional FATF body and participates in peer to peer  evaluations","https://www2.gwu.edu/~ibi/minerva/Spring2009/Arnaldo.pdf",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["Simanjuntak, E.",2018,"Cross–Border Law Enforcement Against Money laundering Suspects in Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN) Through “Mutual Legal Assistance” And its Interaction to ASEAN Economic Community","IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science",null,"IOP Publishing",175,1,null,"Money laundering has developed into a trans-national crime which unsettles international community. The advancement of technology facilitates the money laundering into a transnational crime and high-tech crime. This cross-border crime is a common enemy, since it brings overwhelming and opposite economic consequences among countries in the world. Given the cross-border nature of this crime, the effectiveness of law enforcement in prosecuting the perpetrators or fugitives in other countries is questionable. The customary legal framework between two states in handling such criminal lies in extradition treaty. However, concluding extradition treaty is a difficult task, in particular among countries in Southeast Asia. Moreover, the execution of extradition treaty has always been crammed by obstacles which arose from different interest between requesting and receiving country. In this regard, the need to reconstruct the law enforcement framework and mechanism in eradicating this crime is paramount. In Southeast Asia, strengthening law enforcement among countries in tackling this trans-national crime is imperative, especially in ensuring legal cooperation would enhance the economic development of ASEAN member states in the midst of ASEAN Community. While agreement on the extradition treaty between or amongst Southeast Asia seems difficult to progress, ASEAN member states have agreed on a mutual legal assistance treaty in 2004 (MLA). This study is aimed to show the use of MLA as an alternative instrument to enforce money laundering crime. This research is conducted through a Doctrinal approach to answer money laundering's configuration in Indonesia and ASEAN and the possibility of using MLA as an alternative instrument for the extradition treaty.","Mutual legal assistence is needed to facicliate extradition for money laundering crimes","https://doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/175/1/012189",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":12},"Extradition"]
["Strzelecka, E.K.",2020,"(Women's Human Rights in The Arab-Islamic World: Universalism Versus Relativism","Onati-Socio Legal Series",null,null,10,1,null,"This article critically examines the tension and possible reconciliation of competing views of culture relativism and the universality of women's human rights in the Arab-Islamic world. A comparative analysis of international human rights instruments, such as the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and regional human rights protection mechanisms, such as the Cairo Declaration on Human Rights in Islam and the Arab Charter on Human Rights, allow us to get insight into the complexity of the cultural and legal definition and practice of women’s rights within twenty-two States of the Arab Ligue. Particular attention is paid to the national law amendments with regard to transmission of nationality from women to their children and foreign spouses. This is in accordance with the adaptation of the national legislation of the Arab-Islamic countries to the demands of international treaties which guarantee gender equality across the world",null,"https://opo.iisj.net/index.php/osls/article/view/1073",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Swiebel, J.",2009,"Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Human Rights: The Search for An International Strategy","Contemporary Politics",null,"Taylor & Francis",15,1,"19-35","Many social and political movements go international at a certain point in their history. Theinternational  gay  and  lesbian  movement  was  rather  late  in  stepping  into  the  internationalarena. The International Lesbian and Gay Association (ILGA) was founded in 1978, but itwas not until the 1990s that the movement gained access to the European Union (EU) andmanaged  to  get  the  issue  on  the  EU  agenda.  At  the  United  Nations  (UN),  that  fight  stillcontinues.  This  contribution  explores  and  seeks  to  explain  why  the  international  lesbian,gay,  bisexual  and  transgender  (LGBT)  movement  has  been  more  successful  in  lobbyingthe EU than the UN. It argues that the LGBT movement appears to use many of the sameentrepreneurial  tactics  as  well  as  the  same  human  rights  framing  at  both  the  EU  and  theUN,  but  differences  in  the  political  opportunity  structures  of  the  two  institutions  explainwhy  the  demands  of  LGBT  groups  have  made  their  way  onto  the  agenda  in  the  EU,  butnot in the UN.","The issue of LGBT human rights  –  at least the rights of gay men and lesbian women  –  have found  a  place  on  the  official  political  agenda  of  the  EU  and  various  specific  demandshave  been  processed  through  the  EU  political  system.  LGBT  human  rights  at  the  UN,however,  are  stuck. Atthe EU, the movement had better strategies and resources: in the beginning, its supporters foundonepoint  of  access  where  ‘gatekeepers’  were  helpful,  so  that  a  professional  lobby  could  beformed and the demands could be appropriately ‘framed’. The main factor behind the successat the EU, however, was a more welcoming political opportunity structure. Time was ripe forwidening  EU  competences,  and  there  was  help  from  friendly  elites  who  had  their  ownreasons for wanting to expand the agenda. Growing concern about racism and the ‘en vogue’nature of human rights language helped to establish issue linkages, while the existing legislationon sex equality served as the model. The ambition of the EU to be a 'community of values' gave ample opportunity to exploit the shame factor. Further successes achieved in later years were mainly due to a smart use of the ‘rules of the game’ by prominent LGBT and human rights organizations. At the UN, different points of access were tried by different groups of actors, with different demands and strategies. The movement did not speak with one voice. The demands for LGBT human rights were not very well substantiated. But the lack of political opportunity structureshas  been decisive.  Competences  were not  expanding;  on the  contrary,  reform  created  uncer-tainty. Friendly elites, though growing in number, are still overruled by an opposing majorityof unfriendly states. Opportunities for issue linkage, such as the linkage to the issue of sexualrights, failed.","https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13569770802674196",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["Swiss, L., & Fallon, K.M. ",2016,"Women's Transnational Activism, Norm Cascades, And Quota Adoption in The Developing World","Politics and gender",null,"Cambrigde Univeristy Core",13,3,"458-487","Electoral quotas are a key factor in increasing women's political representation in parliaments globally. Despite the strong effects of quotas, less attention has been paid to the factors that prompt countries to adopt electoral quotas across developing countries. This article employs event history modeling to analyze quota adoption in 134 developing countries from 1987 to 2012, focusing on quota type, transnational activism, and norm cascades. The article asks the following questions: (1) How might quota adoption differ according to quota type—nonparty versus party quotas? (2) How has the 1995 Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, China (Beijing 95), contributed to quota diffusion? (3) Do global, regional, or neighboring country effects contribute more to quota adoption? Results provide new evidence of how quota adoption processes differ according to quota type, the central role played by participation in Beijing 95, and how increased global counts contribute to faster nonparty quota adoption while increased neighboring country counts lead to faster to party quota adoption.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/abs/womens-transnational-activism-norm-cascades-and-quota-adoption-in-the-developing-world/29992518A080387EFC7368835791F76C",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x","x"]
["Tabak, H., & Dogan, M.",2022,"Global Gender Equality Norm and Trade Unions in Turkey: Local Contestations, Rival Validations, And Discrepant Receptions","Siyasal: Journal of Political Sciences",null,null,31,1,"53-71","Gender equality is a global norm, and the existing norm mechanisms attribute to trade unions globally a stakeholder position in norm diffusion and promotion. This is well-articulated in the official documents and the institutions within the United Nations (UN) equality regime that collaborates with both the local and the international unions accordingly. Complementarily, local trade unions collaborate with the UN bodies and international trade unions in the diffusion of gender equality to their localities. Nevertheless, this multi-layered process is disrupted by local contestations, with bold consequences for the proper functioning of the equality norms. This paper is a scrutiny on the practice of the contestation on and the interruption of the functioning of the gender equality norm, with a particular focus on trade unions in Turkey. In the country, despite that trade unions have been well-integrated into the global gender regime and mechanisms; therefore, despite the existence of an uninterrupted norm flow regarding gender equality to the labour space, the trade unions offer competing interpretations, driven by their differing and even conflicting politico-cultural positioning. Within the paper, this process of interruption and its consequences for the broader functioning of the norm within the country have been thoroughly elaborated. Regarding the source of data in the research, we conducted semi-structured interviews with the union representatives, and we also extensively used the unions’ own publications and documentations.",null,"https://dergipark.org.tr/en/pub/siyasal/issue/69445/947376",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":4},"Turkey","x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x"]
["Tabak, H., Edgogan, S., & Bodur Ün, M.",2022,"Intra-Conservative Bloc Contestations on Gender Equality in Turkey – Norm Reception in Fragmented Normative Orders","Journal of Asian and African Studies",{"$nulls":4},"1-18","This research problematizes the contested nature of the global norm diffusion by focusing on intra-group rivalries and fragmentations shaping local responses (often reactionary and resistant) to global norms. Such an examination is important primarily to account for what leads to shifts in the local reception of norms over time. This study empirically explores local fragmentation, rivalry and change in response nexus in the example of the reception of the global gender equality norms in Turkey by the conservative normative bloc. It reveals that the conservative bloc is not a monolithic normative order and that there are two main competing receptions of the gender equality norm within the group in Turkey. With a firm emphasis on Turkey’s first initiating and later withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention, the study elaborates how the institutionalized conservative response to gender equality has shifted from a compromising acceptance to a rejection over time.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/00219096221076109",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Turkey",null,"x"]
["Tabak, H., Edgogan, S., & Dogan, M.,",2022,"Fragmented Local Normative Orders, Unresolved Localizations, And the Contesting of Gender Equality Norms in Turkey","Asian Journal of Women's Studies",null,null,28,2,"143-166","This paper examines the localization process of the global gender equality norm in Turkey and argues that the normative contestations on this concern, among rival political blocs and activist groups, have not allowed any resolution. Accordingly, the global gender equality norm has undergone state-led secular localization as of the 1990s. In the post-2010 context under AKP rule, however, this process was disrupted by the proponents of the alternative conservative local norm of gender justice, who sought to replace the already localized norm of gender equality. Our study examines the contestations and rivalries regarding gender equality in the country with an emphasis on normative strategies utilised by the secular and conservative political blocs. Based on face-to-face interviews conducted with representatives of the main trade unions in the country, we also did a minor case study of the ongoing contestations regarding the adoption of gender equality norms, as manifested in trade union activism.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/12259276.2022.2059737?journalCode=rajw20",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Turkey",null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x"]
["Tan, N. ",2016,"Why Are Gender Reforms Adopted in Singapore? Party Pragmatism and Electoral Incentives",{"$nulls":3},89,2,"369-393","In Singapore, the percentage of elected female politicians rose from 3.8 percent in 1984 to 22.5 percent after the 2015 general election. After years of exclusion, why were gender reforms adopted and how did they lead to more women in political office? Unlike South Korea and Taiwan, this paper shows that in Singapore party pragmatism rather than international diffusion of gender equality norms, feminist lobbying, or rival party pressures drove gender reforms. It is argued that the ruling People's Action Party's (PAP) strategic and electoral calculations to maintain hegemonic rule drove its policy u-turn to nominate an average of about 17.6 percent female candidates in the last three elections. Similar to the PAP's bid to capture women voters in the 1959 elections, it had to alter its patriarchal, conservative image to appeal to the younger, progressive electorate in the 2000s. Additionally, Singapore's electoral system that includes multi-member constituencies based on plurality party bloc vote rule also makes it easier to include women and diversify the party slate. But despite the strategic and electoral incentives, a gender gap remains. Drawing from a range of public opinion data, this paper explains why traditional gender stereotypes, biased social norms, and unequal family responsibilities may hold women back from full political participation.",null,"https://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/paaf/paaf/2016/00000089/00000002/art00007;jsessionid=9nrgp0o7lb3b2.x-ic-live-01",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":13},"Singapore",null,"x",{"$nulls":13},"x"]
["Thomas, F.",2007,"Global Rights, Local Realities: Negotiating Gender Equality and Sexual Rights in The Caprivi Region, Namibia","International Journal of Research, Intervention and Care",null,null,9,6,"599-614","Gender inequalities are frequently cited as a major reason for high HIV‐prevalence rates in southern Africa. While steps have been taken to promote and pass legislation that upholds equal rights for women, this paper examines the ways in which discourses of gender equality and ensuing sexual rights can have complex, contradictory and even adverse implications when they are mobilised, resisted and reinterpreted at local level. Drawing upon research undertaken in the Caprivi Region of Namibia, this paper examines this ways in which men and women respond to ideas about gender equality, and seeks to place these responses within the wider context of socioeconomic change and understandings of morality prevalent within the region. The tendency of many young women to seek out relationships with older men and the increasing costs of bride‐wealth payments play a key role in reinforcing patriarchal attitudes and fuelling disrespect for women's rights both before and within marriage. In addition, a failure to adhere to customary norms, which uphold men's dominant role, continues to threaten the support networks and assets available to women. The consequences of this situation are examined with particular focus on implications for the future transmission of HIV.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13691050701526263",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":6},"Namibia",{"$nulls":6},"x"]
["Towns, A., E.",2012,"Norms and Social Hierarchies: Understanding International Policy Diffusion “From Below”",{"$nulls":3},66,2,"179-209","This article aims to rethink the operation of norms in international policy diffusion. Norms do not simply standardize state behaviors, as is conventionally argued; norms also draw on and set up hierarchical social orders among states. Through a conceptual rethinking we gain a better understanding of where—among which states—new policies may first emerge: social hierarchies create incentives for new policies to develop at the margins of international society so that policies may diffuse “from below.” We also get a better grasp of how policy advocates frame the appropriateness or benefits of a new state practice: they must frame policy demands in terms of the international standing and rank of the targeted state. This article's empirical aspiration is to use these insights to help account for the international policy diffusion of legal sex quotas, a policy to increase the level of female legislators that developed first among “developing” states rather than among the so-called core of international society. By pointing to the link between norms and social hierarchy, the article helps account for policy diffusion “from below.”",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/international-organization/article/abs/norms-and-social-hierarchies-understanding-international-policy-diffusion-from-below/4F946748BFFA55752D3E41FC77B091FF",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":4},"x"]
["True, J.",2016,"Explaining The Global Diffusion of The Women, Peace and Security Agenda","International Political Science Review",null,null,37,3,"307-323","The United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (2000) is the most significant international normative framework addressing the gender-specific impacts of conflict on women and girls including protection against sexual and gender-based violence, promoting women’s participation in peace and security and supporting their roles as peace builders in the prevention of conflict. In the decade since 2004 when the UN SecretaryGeneral first called for Women, Peace and Security National Action Plans to implement the 1325 agenda in national-level peace and security institutions and policies, 55 countries have adopted them. This article analyses the global patterns of Women, Peace and Security policy diffusion, especially the effects of conflict, democracy and women in power on the propensity for states to implement Women, Peace and Security National Action Plans. Examining patterns of diffusion enables an assessment of how far the Women, Peace and Security agenda has spread and what the prospects are for the further diffusion of Women, Peace and Security.",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/0192512116632372",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x"]
["True, J., & Weiner, A.",2019,"Everyone Wants (A) Peace: The Dynamics of Rhetoric and Practice On ‘Women, Peace and Security","International Affairs",null,null,95,3,"553-573","‘Women, Peace and Security’ (WPS) is not just any normative agenda: everyone wants a piece of it. WPS is characterized by unprecedented recognition by states at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) and the presence of multiple stakeholders, including its own transnational NGO network focused on the first Resolution, 1325. The high degree of participation from civil society in framing the norm from the outset—driving their own access to contestation—makes WPS relatively unique among global normative agendas. It is therefore a good case in which to examine the ‘dynamics of dissent’ and test the effects of discursive and behavioural contestation on normative change. The article seeks to advance the thriving literature on the UN WPS agenda and to further develop the exploratory approach to contestation, which evaluates normative progress based on increased access of all those affected by the norm to practices of norm validation. It maps norm contestation at distinct sites, reflecting a sequence of WPS events referenced at the 2015 UNSC open debate on WPS. It evaluates practices of contestation with regard to affected WPS stakeholders' access to political agency and assesses ‘whose practices’ affect norm change and transformative change in the WPS agenda. The authors conclude that the relative access of the wide range of stakeholders to the different repertoires and constellations of contestation affects the outcomes of WPS. They suggest that scholars should evaluate diverse practices of contestation and identify expanding spaces and choices for a variety of local, national and regional perceptions of gender-equal peace and security. This article forms part of the special section of the May 2019 issue of International Affairs on ‘The dynamics of dissent’, guest-edited by Anette Stimmer and Lea Wisken.",null,"https://academic.oup.com/ia/article-abstract/95/3/553/5426079?redirectedFrom=fulltext&login=false",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x","x"]
["Tryggestad, T.L.",2010,"The UN Peacebuilding Commission and Gender: A Case of Norm Reinforcement","International Peacekeeping",null,null,17,2,"159-171","In recent years, increasing reference has been made to the issue area of ‘women, peace and security’, reflecting a set of norms that are gradually becoming institutionalized within the UN. This article explores the validity of such claims through an empirical study of the relatively newly established UN Peacebuilding Commission (PBC) and the extent to which gender language and concerns have been integrated into the latter's founding resolutions and deliberations on peacebuilding strategies. The article suggests that ‘women, peace and security’ concerns have emerged as a legitimate normative framework in the peacebuilding context. The PBC has served an important role in reinforcing this normative framework. However, the actual inclusion of women in strategic thinking and policy development is still dependent on the lobbying of dedicated norm entrepreneurs among member states, UN bureaucrats and nongovernmental organizations.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13533311003625050",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,"x","x"]
["Tsingou, E.",2021,"Effective Horizon Management in Transnational administration: Bespoke and Box-Ticking consultancies In Anti-Money Laundering","Special Issue: Symposia: Consultancies in Public Administration; Ideas and Crisis Response",null,"John Wiley & Sons",100,3,"522-537","Efforts to combat global money laundering have establisheda transnational administrative regime that provides peerreview mutual evaluations that are coordinated amongnational public administrations. Led by the Financial ActionTask Force, this regime encourages compliance with anti-money laundering (AML) standards to detect“effective-ness”in administrative capacity despite an absence of reli-able data on money laundering activity. This articleexamines how national administrations engage differenttypes of consultants in the preparation of mutual evalua-tions. I distinguish between the use of bespoke consultantswho actively interpret effectiveness by wealthier countries,and“box-ticking”consultants from global professional ser-vice firms which developing countries are more relianton. As such, the transnational administration of AML gover-nance and its links to consultants reflects and reinforcesglobal power asymmetries. Wealthy countries can positivelyuse consultants to manage their policy horizons, whiledeveloping countries are left with short-term compliancethat is not aimed at building administrative capacity.","Developing countries do not build the skills for long term compliance with FATF  because they are reliant on consulting firms that provide short term services","https://doi.org/10.1111/padm.12799",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":12},"x"]
["Turksen, U. & Abukari, A.",2021,"OECD’s Global Principles and EU’s Tax Crime Measures","Journal of Financial Crime",null,"Emerald Group Publishing Limited",28,2,"406 - 419","Purpose–This paper aims to investigate and provide pathways for leveraging the Organisation for EconomicCooperation and Development (OECD’s) Ten Global Principles (TGPs) for countering tax crimes in the EU.Design/methodology/approach–The study is guided by the combination of traditional and innovativeresearch methods drawn from criminal law and justice, public regulatory theory and tax law, based on socio-legal and comparative methodologies.Findings–The research shows that EU has achieved considerable amount of progress when it comes tomeeting the TGPs. However, law and practice in EU Member States indicate that there are different legal,human and organisational approaches tofighting tax crimes. The TGPs could be strategically applied tocomplementing the EU’s Fifth Anti-Money Laundering Directive (AMLD) and other initiatives onAdministrative Cooperation.Research limitations/implications–Although the TGPs appear encompassing, there areopportunities to harness the potency of these principles and to provide more tailored principles that can helpengineer sustainable remedies for countering tax crimes in the EU.Practical implications–The paper critically analyses, through a multidisciplinary approach, the mainlegal, human and organisational factors influencing the prosecution of tax crimes in the EU Member States.Social implications–Realignment and harmonisation of tax enforcement paractices in the EU MemberStates thus help in the reduction of tax gap resulting from tax offences.Originality/value–The paper provides novel approaches andfindings based on empirical info obtainedfrom face-to-face focus groups with end users and law enforcement agencies in tax enforcement eco-system inten different EU Member States.","Successful adoption of OECD tax goverNance  principles ","https://doi.org/10.1108/JFC-09-2019-0118",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]
["United Nations Economic Commission for Africa",2015,"Illicit Financial Flow Report of The High-Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows from Africa",null,"Addis Ababa","UN.ECA",{"$nulls":3},"The 4th Joint African Union Commission/United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (AUC/ECA) Conference of African Ministers of Finance, Planning and Economic Development was held in 2011. This Conference mandated ECA to establish the High Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows from Africa. Underlying this decision was the determination to ensure Africa’s accelerated and sustained development, relying as much as possible on its own resources. This Report reflects the work that the High Level Panel on Illicit Financial Flows has carried out since it was established in February 2012, particularly to: Develop a realistic and accurate assessment of the volumes and sources of these outflows; Gain concrete understanding of how these outflows occur in Africa, based on case studies of a sample of African countries and; Ensure that we make specific recommendations of practical, realistic, short- to medium-term actions that should be taken both by Africa and by the rest of the world to effectively confront what is in fact a global challenge.","African countires lack the capacity to fully combat ilicit financial flows.. African Tax Administration Forum has improvd coperation among African revenue services. ","https://hdl.handle.net/10855/22695",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":14},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x","x"]
["United Nations Human Rights Special Procedures",null,"25 Years in Review of The Beijing Platform for Action",null,null,"United Nations Human Rights Special Procedures",{"$nulls":3},"While the past 25 years have witnessed many positive changes in the global context of women’s rights, they have also revealed the persistent and systematic discrimination and violence against women that are deeply rooted in the fabric of societies, thus becoming normalized. It is within that context that the rise of popular movements, such as #MeToo and #NiUnaMenos, and their various manifestations across the world, has broken the silence on sexual harassment and other forms of gender-based violence, while calling for change. At the same time, there is a mounting opposition to and backsliding of women’s rights everywhere, including an upsurge in retrogressive movements and a backlash against feminism, gender equality and women’s empowerment. Within that context, the term “gender” is also being misinterpreted as “gender ideology” and has been used to prevent Constitutional and legislative changes in different parts of the world, as well as to stall the ratification process of some of the regional instruments like the Istanbul Convention. The rise in authoritarianism, populism and fundamentalism have all had a negative impact on efforts to eliminate discrimination and violence against women and achieve gender equality, which can be perceived as an increasing trend of denying and challenging international standards concerning women’s human rights and gender-based violence.",null,"https://www.ohchr.org/sites/default/files/Booklet_BPA.pdf",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Vasudevan, S.K.",2023,"Resolving The Constitutional Dilemma of The Uniform Civil Code in India Through the Women’s Convention","Liverpool Law Review Journal",{"$nulls":5},"The debate over the Uniform Civil Code (UCC) is mired in the conflict between the right to freedom of religion and the right to gender-based equality. The retraction of the UCC also hinges on legal pluralism. This paper argues for shifting the foci of the debate towards gender-based violence as rightly suggested by the feminist argument in India. In order to do so, this paper argues that the debate over the UCC needs to be restructured around the Due Diligence Obligation (DDO) to the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW). This paper presents the argument that the absence of a UCC creates a normative vacuum that is currently filled by an intersubjective climate on patriarchy which primes the average Indian mindset. This intersubjective mindset requires to be replaced by the normative language of the DDO to the CEDAW. This process of norm effectuation also ties into the question of how international norms are implemented in domestic contexts and reiterates the causal chain propounded therein.",null,"https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10991-023-09323-z",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"Theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"India",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,null,"x"]
["Velasco, K. ",2019,"A Growing Queer Divide: The Divergence Between Transnational Advocacy Networks and Foreign Aid in Diffusing LGBT Policies","International Studies Quarterly",null,null,64,null,null,"Despite years of success, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) norms are becoming increasingly polarized across the global landscape—with some countries strongly complying with new expectations while others openly defy them. To explain these divergent paths, I investigate the transmission of global LGBT norms via two mechanisms: transnational advocacy\nnetworks and foreign aid conditionalities. In examining LGBT policy adoption across 110 non-Organisation for Economic\nCo-operation and Development (OECD) countries between 1990 and 2016, I find evidence that the process through which states are exposed to LGBT norms can indeed help explain these different approaches. Exposure to LGBT norms through transnational advocacy networks enhances the effect of these norms and is associated with more progressive policy adoption,\nwhile greater dependence on foreign aid pushes states to reject LGBT norms. Consequently, this study provides new insights into how the mechanism through which countries are exposed to norms shapes compliance and adds new evidence questioning the effectiveness of foreign aid as a tool to advance LGBT rights.","The degree to which countries are integrated into the world society via LGBT transnational advocacy networks\nand, thus, exposed to LGBT norms is foundational to understanding\nthe proliferation of progressive LGBT policy adoption. The more unexpected findings come about when assessing\nthe effects of foreign aid relationships on LGBT policy adoption. This study demonstrates that, indeed, normative pressure does not increase for countries with greater ties to developmentassisting countries— in fact it has a negative effect. This study\nagain demonstrates the importance of norms in pushing policy change but adds to the debate by demonstrating\nthat how countries are tied to the international community and experience norms is fundamental to understanding the type of policy response they will have. And for foreign aid scholars, the findings reveal the limitations of foreign aid conditionality on contentious policy. For those wanting to advance LGBT rights, then, findings from this study suggest that the best avenue is to invest in local LGBT civil society organizations while trying to limit the impression of\ncoercive Western imposition.","https://academic.oup.com/isq/article/64/1/120/5556052","x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["Velasco, K. ",2018,"Human Rights Ingos, LGBT Ingos And LGBT Policy Diffusion, 1991-2015","Social Forces",null,null,97,1,"377-404","Since the late 1990s, a growing body of literature has researched the crossnational diffusion of policies that affect lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) communities. Studies stemming from world society consider how state ties to newly emergent global norms regarding the treatment of LGBT communities are a driver of this process. A shortcoming of these studies, however, is that they do not adequately consider which type of ties to global norms are most meaningful for policy adoption. Considering the ever-increasing notion that LGBT rights are human rights, this study contrasts the role of human rights international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) and LGBT INGOs on LGBT policy diffusion between 1991 and 2015. While previous studies assume a global norm exists, focus on a narrow band of policies, or restrict analyses to key geographic areas, this study develops a new measure of global LGBT norms and offers a comprehensive LGBT Policy Index for a global sample of 156 countries. Through pooled cross-sectional time series with fixed effects, the results demonstrate that human rights INGOs are not adequate vehicles for pressuring national adoption of LGBT policies. Instead, targeted advocacy efforts, embodied through LGBT INGOs, are required in order for policy adoption to transpire.","results from this study suggest that transnational advocacy ties,\nexplicitly embodied by LINGOs, are an effective means to shaping a country’s\nposition on the LGBT Policy Index. , an outcome of this study is a demonstration\nthat LINGO growth has been robust since the early 1990s and these organizations should be part of future LGBT policy studies. The model design chosen for\nthis study, however, cannot fully account for the direction of causality.\nAlthough key variables were lagged for temporal ordering, it is possible that the\ndomestic policy environment influences how transnational ties take shape. Another contribution from this analysis is its consideration of a variety of policies, as outlined by the LGBT Policy Index.  By constructing an index as the dependent measure,\nanalyses are able to consider a broader definition of the construct of interest.\nThis is especially important for researching LGBT rights because the diversity of\nglobal LGBT communities will necessitate a variety of desired policy reforms.","https://academic.oup.com/sf/article/97/1/377/4985556?login=true#no-access-message#no-access-message",null,"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x","x"]
["Vleck, W. ",2011,"Global Anti-Money Laundering Standards and Developing Economies: The Regulation of Mobile Money","Development Policy Review","Oxford","Blackwell Publishing",29,4,"415-431","This article discusses the confluence of international initiatives to counter money laundering and terrorist finance with migrant remittances and the growing use of mobile telephone technology for more than making a call. The experiences of Kenya and the Philippines with mobile telephone-based financial services are outlined as potential models consistent with the ‘risk-based’ approach now promoted by the Financial Action Task Force (FATF), one objective being to encourage the implementation of regulation of m-money services by recognising the development and social-welfare opportunities offered by the technology in the context of a developing economy. ","Need to develop AML/CTF standards for mobile money. Good exxample in Pillipines ","https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7679.2011.00540.x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":10},"x"]
["Walsh, S.D.",2016,"Not Necessarily Solidarity","International Feminist Journal of Politics",null,null,18,2,"248-269","Since the idea of “women's rights as human rights” emerged, there has been a wave of international donors, organizations and transnational feminist activists successfully delivering pressure and resources in the struggle to mitigate violence against women worldwide. Through these transnational networks, decisions regarding which local problems to address and how to manage them are often made at the international level. Most scholarship has rightly celebrated the advances for women's rights that have been made possible due to the impact of international organizations and transnational advocacy networks. However, there are many dilemmas that arise from this North-centric approach to assigning and managing priorities – especially among development aid organizations. Coordination with international donors is often necessary and has been a major source of advances. However, there are still some potentially harmful impacts of having to engage in these networks in order to address violence against women – including a disproportionate focus on short-term results while neglecting long-term goals. This article articulates these dilemmas and explains how international feminist human rights norms can be more successfully translated into a stronger sense of solidarity across borders and more sustainable advances for women. Examples are drawn from the Central American countries of Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala and Nicaragua.",null,"https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14616742.2015.1008246",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":12},"x",null,"Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":11},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Wong, L.",2013,"Money-Laundering in Southeast Asia: Liberalism and Governmentality at Work","Contemporary Politics",null,"Routledge Taylor Francis ",19,2,"221-233","This article discusses the diffusion of a regulatory system against money-laundering inSoutheast Asia. To this end, the article reconstructs how the Financial Action Task Forcehas securitised the issue of money-laundering into a global problem requiring a globalsolution and how this has spread to developing nations. The article seeks to demonstratehow these international norms and practices spread and are transformed into national lawwithin Southeast Asia. The article further shows that these transformations reflect anincreasing level of multilateral cooperation within the region and that this phenomena canbe better understood as the articulation of a global expression of governmentality where aset of strategies and policing techniques emerges to effect control.","Regional diffusion was mostly successful in Asia ","https://doi.org/10.1080/13569775.2013.785832",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":12},"Rating "]
["Woo, B., & Parke, D.",2022,"Official Development Assistance and Women’s Rights: How Aid Donor Characteristics Affect Women’s Rights Improvement in Recipient Countries","Journal of Asian Women",null,null,38,4,"1-29","How does official development assistance (ODA) affect women’s rights in aid-receiving countries? We argue that ODA allows those donor countries who have more respect for women’s rights and who have the intention of spreading the norm of gender equality to successfully influence recipient countries, and thus improve women’s rights in aid-recipient countries. We argue that this is possible because aid is equipped with technical assistance, donor conditionality, and donor-recipient collaborative projects that can be tailored to address a specific policy objective and that are ripe with opportunities for transfers of technical know-how and synergistic exchanges of local and global norms. We further contend that the effect of foreign aid on the improvement of women’s rights is conditional on donors’ respect for women’s rights at home: foreign aid from countries with more equal women’s rights has a stronger positive effect than that from countries with less equal women’s rights. We illustrate the plausibility of our theoretical argument in the context of a case of aid projects in Bangladesh and use statistical analysis to test our argument more systematically. We show that aid in general, and aid from France and the Nordic countries - those with better provision of women’s rights at home among major aid donors - in particular exert positive effects on improving women’s rights in recipient countries from 1981 to 2011, after controlling for political, socio-economic, and regional factors.",null,"http://e-asianwomen.org/_common/do.php?a=current&bidx=496&aidx=6220",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":8},"Bangladesh","x",{"$nulls":7},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x"]
["World Bank ",2022,"Women, Business and The Law 2022","World Bank Group","Washington D.C","World Bank",{"$nulls":3},"When societies become more equal, economies become more resilient. Besides being the right thing to do, gender equality makes economic sense. The World Bank estimates that, globally, differences between men’s and women’s total expected lifetime earnings is $172.3 trillion, equivalent to twice the world gross domestic product (GDP) (Wodon et al. 2020). As such, adopting laws that strengthen women’s rights and opportunities is an essential first step toward a more resilient and inclusive world. Women, Business and the Law 2022 measures global progress toward gender equality in 190 economies by identifying the laws and regulations that restrict and incentivize women’s economic participation. Whether a 25-year-old starting her first job, a mother balancing work with caring for her children, or a woman on the verge of retirement, the eight indicators show the ways in which laws affect women throughout their working lives (figure ES.1). The Women, Business and the Law index measures explicit discrimination in the law, legal rights, and the provision of certain benefits, areas in which reforms can bolster women’s labor force participation. Governments can use this framework to identify barriers to women’s success, remove them, and boost economic inclusion. Amid development challenges that disproportionately affect women, including the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, a legal environment that supports their work is more important than ever. Yet all over the world, discriminatory laws are exacerbating the effects of an already difficult period.","Laws have been enacted by governmnets through legal reforms to empower women. Legal reform will improve women’s lives only if laws\nare implemented properly and if the wider ecosphere is supportive of them. Laws will not achieve their intended effects if they are in strong conflict with prevailing social norms.","https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/bitstream/handle/10986/36945/9781464818172.pdf?sequence=7&isAllowed=y       ",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x","x","x",{"$nulls":5},"x"]
["Yeh, S",2022,"New OSCE Recommendations to Combat Corruption, Money Laundering, And the Financing of Terrorism","Laws",null,null,11,2,23,"A model Anticorruption Protocol to the United Nations Convention against Corruption (APUNCAC) would implement international requirements to report the beneficial ownership of funds involved in certain financial transactions. The purpose is to discourage the laundering of illicit funds by attaching legal consequences to each failure to obtain and submit a required report of beneficial ownership, and each failure by a front man who poses as a beneficial owner to supply true information regarding the identity of the actual beneficial owner. This article is the fifth in a series of articles describing APUNCAC’s anti-money-laundering (AML) provisions and focus on beneficial owner transparency. The companion articles focus on issues regarding international jurisdiction and enforcement of APUNCAC regarding distant offshore personnel, illustrate the application of APUNCAC to specific money laundering channels, answer frequently asked questions (FAQ), and translate APUNCAC’s key provisions into proposed Financial Action Task Force (FATF) recommendations. This article explains how APUNCAC’s key provisions may be translated into Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) recommendations, why the OSCE may be especially inclined to adopt the recommendations, and why support of this initiative might be the most promising path that could be adopted by the international community to combat corruption, money laundering, and the violations of human rights that are associated with these crimes.","The OSCE  can be used to prumulgate ani-corruption measures even though it lacks FATF enforcment mechanisms","https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11020023",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x"]
["Yeh, S.",2022,"New Financial Action Task Force Recommendations to Fight Corruption and Money Laundering","Laws",null,null,11,8,null,"A model Anticorruption Protocol to the United Nations Convention against Corruption\n(APUNCAC) would implement international requirements to report the beneficial ownership of\nfunds involved in certain financial transactions. The purpose is to discourage laundering of illicit\nfunds by attaching legal consequences to each failure to obtain and submit a required report of\nbeneficial ownership, and each failure by a front man who poses as a beneficial owner to supply true\ninformation regarding the identity of the actual beneficial owner. This article is the fourth in a series\nof articles describing APUNCAC’s anti-money laundering (AML) provisions and focus on beneficial\nowner transparency. The companion articles focused on issues regarding international jurisdiction\nand enforcement of APUNCAC regarding distant offshore personnel and illustrated the application\nof APUNCAC to specific money laundering channels. This article translates APUNCAC’s key\nprovisions into proposed Financial Action Task Force (FATF) recommendations, provides guidance\nregarding the necessary domestic conforming legislation, responds to frequently asked questions,\nand discusses the rationale for expansion of existing FATF recommendations.","UN Convention agaist Bribery could be used to develop an anti-corruption protocol with wide jurisdction to implment FATF recommendations","https://doi.org/10.3390/laws11010008",null,null,"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",null,"x",{"$nulls":9},"x","x"]
["Yuksel, G., Stetter, S., & Walter, J.",2017,"Localizing Modern Female Subjectivities: World Society and The Spatial Negotiation of Gender Norms in Turkey","Alternatives: Global, Local, Political",null,null,41,2,null,"In our article, we analyze gender norms in Turkey. We are interested in how such norms are transformed or reified in light of global/local interplays in contemporary world society. The case of Turkey is usually studied with a view to a persistent gap between national/global constitutional and legal provisions that promote gender equality, on the one hand, and a seemingly resistant everyday reality, on the other. While our research in the Turkish province of Hatay confirms that such a gap persists, we nevertheless detect meaningful transformations of gender norms in everyday practice. Our research, which focuses in women’s positioning in higher education, indicates that such transformations occur in particular through everyday spatial practices, inter alia through what we refer to as local tactics of mobility by women seeking higher education. While there is no linear and direct diffusion of gender norms from the global/national to the local, we nevertheless observe significant global/local interplays to which these local norm transformations relate. These interplays can be well captured on the basis of constructivist theories of modernity. More specifically, by drawing from theories of world society and global governmentality, we conceive of these spatial practices as a diffusion of forms of (female) modern subjectivities, engendered by modern technologies of the Self, through which women in Hatay locate themselves in relation to a world society shaped by societal differentiation and social exclusion. Transformations or reifications of gender norms in Hatay are thus not so much the result of a direct diffusion of global gender norms. They are rather triggered indirectly through spatial practices on the local level that are, in turn, embedded within a world societal horizon that promotes modern subjectivities in response to societal differentiation and social exclusion",null,"https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0304375416689691",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":4},"x","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":14},"Turkey",{"$nulls":6},"x",{"$nulls":6},"x","x"]
["Zhang, C., & Huang, Z.",2023,"Foreign Aid, Norm Diffusion, And Local Support for Gender Equality: Comparing Evidence from The World Bank and China’s Aid Projects in Africa","Studies in Comparative International Development",{"$nulls":5},"Does foreign aid change local attitudes toward gender equality? Drawing on a theory of norm difusion through intervention, we contend that when donors integrate norms into aid projects, such norms can be difused to individuals in recipient countries. The World Bank and China are two comparable donors to examine this relationship. We matched the geocoded aid projects of the two donors from AidData and Afrobarometer surveys in Africa to test our hypotheses. Our strategy is to compare respondents’ attitudes toward gender equality who were near a site where the project had been implemented at the time of the interview to those who were close to a site where the project would be started after the interview. We fnd that the World Bank aid increases local support for gender equality and the results difer across sectors and gender. Aid going to gender-sensitive sectors has the most signifcant impact on women’s attitudes toward gender equality. In contrast, Chinese aid shows no similar efects. This study sheds light on the linkage between aid and social norm change and is expected to exert implications for policymakers and development practitioners adventuring in the land of aid.",null,"https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s12116-023-09381-4",null,null,"x","x",null,"x",{"$nulls":3},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":7},"x",{"$nulls":12},"x","x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x"]
["Zhukovar, E., Sundstrom, M.R., & Elgstrom, O.",2021,"Feminist Foreign Policies (FFPs) As Strategic Narratives: Norm Translation in Sweden, Canada, France, And Mexico","Review of International Studies",null,null,48,1,null,"Drawing on the IR theories of norm translation and strategic narratives, this article focuses on how states translate international norms to their own advantage by producing strategic narratives to advance their soft power ambitions abroad. Using the example of feminist foreign policy (FFP), the article compares Sweden, Canada, France, and Mexico in their attempts to translate international feminist norms into their countries’ strategic narratives. This comparison is based on three strategic narrative types (issue, national, and international system narratives) and two types of feminism (liberal, intersectional). Issue narratives reveal that Sweden and Mexico give more priority to social policies, while France and Canada emphasise the role of the market in addressing gender inequality. International system narratives demonstrate that Sweden and Mexico perceive global challenges as drivers of gender inequality, while France and Canada see gender inequality as a cause of global problems. National narratives show that Sweden and Mexico refer to other FFP countries to ‘back up’ their feminist initiatives, while France and Canada do not relate to other states. Finally, while liberal feminism dominates all four FFPs, each state either prioritises particular aspects of it (legal, market, security, rights-based) or incorporates elements from intersectional feminism.",null,"https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/review-of-international-studies/article/feminist-foreign-policies-ffps-as-strategic-narratives-norm-translation-in-sweden-canada-france-and-mexico/AB4704BB59AC904F4FE0989049D19FEC",null,null,"x",null,"x",null,"x",null,null,"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":4},"x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",{"$nulls":8},"Sweden, Canada, France, Mexico","x","x",{"$nulls":6},"x",null,"x","x",{"$nulls":8},"x","x"]
["Zwingel, S.",2012,"International Women's Rights in Transnational Perspective","International Studies Quarterly",null,null,56,1,"115-129","If women's rights norms have become internationally acknowledged, is it reasonable to assume that the status of women worldwide has improved because of international norms? It is argued here that the assumption of a global-to-local flow of norms inherent in most of the global norm diffusion literature is simplistic. To provide a more adequate theoretical framework, the paper juxtaposes the debate on the impact of international regimes and the power of global norms with an interdisciplinary mix of transnational approaches that identify multidirectional processes of appropriation and contestation of global norms. Departing from the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) as the most authoritative and steady piece of the international women's rights discourse, the transnational perspective developed here proposes three main constellations of traveling global norms: global discourse translation, impact translation, and distorted translation.","A theoretical take on the translation of global gender norms has to focus on the reactions of national politicians to international treaties, on transnational NGOs and the relevance of CEDAW in their strategies, on national or local women’s organizations and their knowledge about and strategic use of CEDAW, as well as on state or civil society actors who have altogether different agendas. The key to norm translation is that gender equality norms are to the largest extent possible cross-culturally negotiated and rather than imposed","https://academic.oup.com/isq/article/56/1/115/1935401?login=false",null,null,"x","x",null,null,"x",null,"theoretical","x",null,null,"x",{"$nulls":5},"x",null,null,"x","x",{"$nulls":3},"x",{"$nulls":9},"x"]

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[null,{"$f":"Database!BE$5","v":"International formal commitments"},{"$f":"INDEX(DatabaseCounts,2,MATCH(B67,CriteriaNames,0))","v":76}]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BF$5","v":"International led/funded programmes"},54]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BG$5","v":"Domestic formal commitments"},93]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BH$5","v":"Domestic led/funded programmes"},29]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BI$5","v":"Mobilisation/advocacy"},26]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BJ$5","v":"Attitude/behaviour change"},22]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BK$5","v":"Unclear"},13]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BL$5","v":"Mixed"},19]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BM$5","v":"Outcome blank 1"},2]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BN$5","v":"Outcome blank 2"},0]
[{"$f":"Database!BP1","v":"Enforcement mechanisms"}]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BP$5","v":"Donor funding"},{"$f":"INDEX(DatabaseCounts,2,MATCH(B78,CriteriaNames,0))","v":27}]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BQ$5","v":"Membership"},25]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BR$5","v":"Negative press"},40]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BS$5","v":"Sanctions"},10]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BT$5","v":"Other"},6]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BU$5","v":"Enforcement blank 1"},0]
[null,{"$f":"Database!BV$5","v":"Enforcement blank 2"},0]

{"sheet":"Evidence gap map","index":3,"n_rows":39,"n_cols":7,"rows_kept":39,"merged":[[7,1,7,6],[17,1,17,6],[30,1,30,6]]}
[{"$f":"Instructions!A1","v":"International Rules and  Norms Evidence Mapping Database"}]
["Evidence gap map"]
[]
["This table shows the number of studies included in this review that addressed each combination of interventions and outcomes. "]
["Green cells show where the review found a significant number of studies - darker shades of green indicate more studies found.  Red cells highlight evidence gaps - darker shades of red indicate greater evidence gaps."]
["The evidence gap map is not affected by filters selected on the other pages of the spreadsheet; it shows the total number of studies in the database related to each combination of intervention and outcome."]
[]
[null,"Thematic focus"]
[{"$f":"Database!AW1","v":"Norm carriers and consensus mechanisms"},{"$f":"Database!$AG$5","v":"Gender & civil rights"},{"$f":"Database!$AH$5","v":"Gender & political participation"},{"$f":"Database!$AI$5","v":"Gender & employment rights"},{"$f":"Database!$AJ$5","v":"Financial crime & money laundering"},{"$f":"Database!$AK$5","v":"Financial crime & tax"},{"$f":"Database!$AL$5","v":"LGBTQI+"}]
[{"$f":"Database!AW$5","v":"International organisations"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AW$6:$AW$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":30},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AW$6:$AW$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":28},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AW$6:$AW$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":18},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AW$6:$AW$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":47},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AW$6:$AW$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":14},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AW$6:$AW$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":16}]
[{"$f":"Database!AX$5","v":"National and local government"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AX$6:$AX$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":15},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AX$6:$AX$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":17},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AX$6:$AX$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":18},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AX$6:$AX$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AX$6:$AX$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":9},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AX$6:$AX$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":8}]
[{"$f":"Database!AY$5","v":"Private sector"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AY$6:$AY$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AY$6:$AY$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AY$6:$AY$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AY$6:$AY$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":16},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AY$6:$AY$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AY$6:$AY$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!AZ$5","v":"Civil society"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AZ$6:$AZ$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":19},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AZ$6:$AZ$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":24},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AZ$6:$AZ$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":15},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AZ$6:$AZ$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AZ$6:$AZ$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$AZ$6:$AZ$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":6}]
[{"$f":"Database!BA$5","v":"Media"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BA$6:$BA$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BA$6:$BA$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BA$6:$BA$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BA$6:$BA$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BA$6:$BA$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BA$6:$BA$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BB$5","v":"Activists / spokespersons"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BB$6:$BB$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":13},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BB$6:$BB$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":14},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BB$6:$BB$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BB$6:$BB$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BB$6:$BB$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BB$6:$BB$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BC$5","v":"Household / community"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BC$6:$BC$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BC$6:$BC$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BC$6:$BC$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BC$6:$BC$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BC$6:$BC$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BC$6:$BC$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[]
[null,"Thematic focus"]
[{"$f":"Database!BE1","v":"Outcomes"},{"$f":"Database!$AG$5","v":"Gender & civil rights"},{"$f":"Database!$AH$5","v":"Gender & political participation"},{"$f":"Database!$AI$5","v":"Gender & employment rights"},{"$f":"Database!$AJ$5","v":"Financial crime & money laundering"},{"$f":"Database!$AK$5","v":"Financial crime & tax"},{"$f":"Database!$AL$5","v":"LGBTQI+"}]
[{"$f":"Database!BE$5","v":"International formal commitments"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BE$6:$BE$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":14},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BE$6:$BE$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":22},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BE$6:$BE$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":10},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BE$6:$BE$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":26},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BE$6:$BE$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":11},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BE$6:$BE$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":5}]
[{"$f":"Database!BF$5","v":"International led/funded programmes"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BF$6:$BF$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":15},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BF$6:$BF$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":21},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BF$6:$BF$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BF$6:$BF$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BF$6:$BF$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BF$6:$BF$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":5}]
[{"$f":"Database!BG$5","v":"Domestic formal commitments"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BG$6:$BG$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":21},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BG$6:$BG$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":25},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BG$6:$BG$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":18},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BG$6:$BG$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":27},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BG$6:$BG$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":9},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BG$6:$BG$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":10}]
[{"$f":"Database!BH$5","v":"Domestic led/funded programmes"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BH$6:$BH$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":11},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BH$6:$BH$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BH$6:$BH$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":11},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BH$6:$BH$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BH$6:$BH$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BH$6:$BH$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BI$5","v":"Mobilisation/advocacy"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":10},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":11},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BI$6:$BI$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":4}]
[{"$f":"Database!BJ$5","v":"Attitude/behaviour change"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BJ$6:$BJ$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":1}]
[{"$f":"Database!BK$5","v":"Unclear"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":4},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BK$6:$BK$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BL$5","v":"Mixed"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":9},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BL$6:$BL$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BM$5","v":"Outcome blank 1"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":2},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BM$6:$BM$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BN$5","v":"Outcome blank 2"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BN$6:$BN$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[]
[null,"Thematic focus"]
[{"$f":"Database!BP1","v":"Enforcement mechanisms"},{"$f":"Database!$AG$5","v":"Gender & civil rights"},{"$f":"Database!$AH$5","v":"Gender & political participation"},{"$f":"Database!$AI$5","v":"Gender & employment rights"},{"$f":"Database!$AJ$5","v":"Financial crime & money laundering"},{"$f":"Database!$AK$5","v":"Financial crime & tax"},{"$f":"Database!$AL$5","v":"LGBTQI+"}]
[{"$f":"Database!BP$5","v":"Donor funding"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":6},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BP$6:$BP$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":6}]
[{"$f":"Database!BQ$5","v":"Membership"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":12},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":7},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BQ$6:$BQ$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":2}]
[{"$f":"Database!BR$5","v":"Negative press"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":32},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BR$6:$BR$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":1}]
[{"$f":"Database!BS$5","v":"Sanctions"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":8},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":3},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BS$6:$BS$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BT$5","v":"Other"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":1},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":5},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BT$6:$BT$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BU$5","v":"Enforcement blank 1"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BU$6:$BU$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]
[{"$f":"Database!BV$5","v":"Enforcement blank 2"},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$4994,\">''\",Theme_1_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$4994,\">''\",Theme_2_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$4994,\">''\",Theme_3_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$4994,\">''\",Theme_4_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$4994,\">''\",Theme_5_data,\">''\")","v":0},{"$f":"COUNTIFS(Database!$BV$6:$BV$4994,\">''\",Theme_6_data,\">''\")","v":0}]

{"sheet":"Definitions","index":4,"n_rows":41,"n_cols":1,"rows_kept":41,"merged":[[14,0,14,1],[31,0,31,1]]}
[{"$f":"Instructions!A1","v":"International Rules and  Norms Evidence Mapping Database"}]
["Definitions"]
[]
["Norm carriers"]
[]
["Dialogue"]
["Learning"]
["Global media"]
["Civil society"]
["Activism"]
["Norm carrier blank 1"]
["Norm carrier blank 2"]
["Norm carrier blank 3"]
[]
["Consensus mechanisms"]
[]
["International organisations"]
["Training programmes or technical assistance"]
["Consensus blank 1"]
["Consensus blank 2"]
["Consensus blank 3"]
[]
["Enforcement mechanisms"]
[]
["Donor funding"]
["Membership"]
["Negative press"]
["Enforcement blank 1"]
["Enforcement blank 2"]
["Enforcement blank 3"]
[]
["Outcomes"]
[]
["Conventions"]
["Agreements"]
["Protocols"]
["Resolutions"]
["Targets or indicators"]
["Outcome blank 1"]
["Outcome blank 2"]
["Outcome blank 3"]